Leaders of Iran

Karrubi�s National Confidence Party officially approved

2005-08-13T14:54:00.000-07:00

Karrubi�s National Confidence Party officially approved: "Karrubi’s National Confidence Party officially approved
TEHRAN, Aug. 13 (MNA) -- The National Confidence Party’s application for a license to conduct political activities was officially approved by the Interior Ministry here on Saturday. Former Majlis speaker Mahdi Karrubi is the secretary general of the party.
Karrubi promised to establish the party after finishing in third place behind Expediency Council Chairman Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani and former Tehran Mayor Mahmud Ahmadinejad in the first round of the presidential election held on June 17. The election was won by Ahmadinejad, who received a landslide victory in the runoff on June 24.

Esmaeil Gerami Moghaddam, the spokesman of the National Confidence Party, had previously announced that the party would receive official approval before the Khatami administration’s term office ended.

Karrubi also received a license to publish a newspaper with the same name."

CHN - Iranian Vice-President and Head of Iran's Cultural Heritage and Tourism Organization (ICHTO), Hossein Mar'ashi Plans For Student Tours

2005-06-07T16:10:00.000-07:00

CHN - Show News: "Planning for national holidays can promote domestic tours

The website of Iranian Students Scientific-Cultural Tourist Center was inaugurated on Monday at the presence of Iranian vice-president and head of Iran's Cultural Heritage and Tourism Organization, Hossein Marashi.

Tehran, 6 June (CHN)-- Iranian Vice-President and Head of Iran's Cultural Heritage and Tourism Organization (ICHTO), Hossein Mar'ashi, said yesterday that planning for national holidays can lead to the development of an organized system for domestic (student) tours.

Speaking at the inaugural ceremony of the website of Iranian Students Scientific-Cultural Tourist Center, he added that all the relevant organizations and departments should closely cooperate with ICHTO to establish cost-effective student tours.

Elaborating on the need for encouraging domestic tourism, Mar'ashi said that it should mainly aim to develop closer ties among various national ethnics.

"98 percent of the measures to be taken for promotion of tourism have been fulfilled by our predecessors. We just have to take care of the remaining two percent by coordinating related affairs and eliminating the shortages," he added.

Deputy Head of University Jihad for cultural affairs, Abdol-Hamid Ahmadi, said in the same ceremony that the main objective of the Iranian Students Scientific-Cultural Tourist Center is to concentrate on policy-making and coordinating cultural institutions involved in student tourism and relevant activities, identify historical, national and religious heritages and traditions in various fields.

Ahmadi said that tourist information on 17 provinces and 63 provincial towns are currently accessible on the website of Iranian Students Scientific-Cultural Tourist Center.

"Besides, the required data about 30 more provinces and 291 cities will soon be added to the website," he added.

Turning to various tourist projects expected to be implemented by the University Jihad Center, he said that a project aiming to introduce Isfahan's historical and cultural monuments will be completed in the current Iranian year (started March 20)."

Mohammad Nobakht on Carpet Exports

2005-06-03T21:45:00.000-07:00

RFE/RL Iran Report: "Some industries have been hurt by the general economic downturn. Carpet exports, which are Iran’s second largest hard currency earner, earned $1 billion in 1997, down almost 45% from five years ago. Forecasts indicate earnings will be between $700-800 million in 1998. Parliamentarian Mohammad Nobakht blames the sales decline on over-production and reduced quality. Problems for the carpet industry are particularly serious because it employs approximately 2.3 million people.

"

Mohammad Reza Mir Tajeddini: Islamic propagation organizations to be merged - Irna

2005-06-03T21:42:00.000-07:00

MP: Islamic propagation organizations to be merged - Irna: "MP: Islamic propagation organizations to be merged Tehran, May 8, IRNA
Iran-Majlis-Propagation
Deputy head of Majlis Cultural Commission and MP from Tabriz, Mohammad Reza Mir Tajeddini here Sunday announced that a draft is currently being drawn up in the Majlis for merging various Islamic propagation institutions and reorganizing their structures.

Speaking to reporters, he said that representatives from one of the religious propagation organizations will take part in the Cultural Commission's weekly meetings and their views will be used to draw up the draft.

"The Islamic Propagation Organization, Islamic Propagation Bureau of the Seminary, Endowment and Charity Organization, Headquarters in charge of the mosques affairs, Friday Prayer Headquarters and similar institutions will be merged.

"Once they are merged, a council to be named `supreme propagation council' will be formed. The council will be chaired by the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution Ayatollah Seyed Ali Khamenei," he added.

The MP noted that a new organization to be called, `endowment, Islamic propagation and charity organization' will soon be set up.

It will be headed by a cabinet member.

"The new organization will be administered by five deputies in charge of `cultural, artistic and promotional affairs', `organizing public affairs, religious bodies and charity affairs', `research and training', `endowment and development of mosques and religious centers' and `financial affairs and maintenance'."

Mohammad Atrianfar in Toseh Mar. 9th, 2005,

2005-05-01T22:08:00.000-07:00

Netiran>Articles>Politics>Elections>Rafsanjani Winning Hearts and Minds: "Date Added:Mar 12 2005 Print Version

Rafsanjani Winning Hearts and Minds

Toseh, Daily Newspaper, No. 1070, Mar. 9th, 2005, Page 10

Mohammad Atrianfar, a leading member of the Executives of Construction Party, says former president Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani is winning support automatically. He says the nation has concluded that an experienced captain is needed to lead it out of the current impasse.
Following is the full text of Mohammad Atrianfar's interview with Toseh daily.

Q: Political parties and associations have accelerated their activities in recent years in a bid to make themselves further known but the Executives of Construction Party has not been so active. Why such an approach?
A: Response to this question needs information about the basis of a political party. The executives believe that Iran’s political structure has not yet understood “multipartism” although the Constitution defines tasks for political parties. Few are the groups to be referred to as parties and we can see only friendly reunions.

Q: So what is the reason behind the existence of the Executives of Construction Party?
A: From a pathological viewpoint, the groups presenting themselves as parties have yet to see the contents of a black box defining relations between our political system and parties. The executives were not from the very beginning forming any party. Under special circumstances, technocrats decided to play a role in the state affairs and they had to work under the aegis of a party in the light of the conditions of the time. In fact, Iran’s political system rewarded the executives of construction with the title of party. The executives swept the legislative election and everybody understood that the elite should not be barred from contribution to decision-making procedures. They reached their goals with the landmark victory in May 1997 of Mohammad Khatami.

Q: Members of this party say in their interviews with the newspapers that the Executives of Construction should let younger forces take the helm of affairs. Senior officials have reportedly opposed any activity of the executives. What is happening?
A: We have not officially got any message from the authorities but some of our outspoken members have been treated unfairly. We cannot take any action when we have no official warrant.

Q: Iran may be unfamiliar with parties but political groups have won votes in certain elections. How can the Executives of Construction Party remain accountable to the people when it halts its activities?
A: We should see what has taken place in the society. Real parties represent special segments of the society and other groups are not party. The Islamic Coalition Party, the Islamic Revolutionary Mujahideen Organization, the Islamic Iran Participation Front and the Executives of Construction are parties. The country has passed eight years of reformism and we have reached a three-dimensional outcome. One group, with traditionalist attitudes, is led by ICP and its like-minded groups, a second pragmatist one is commanded by IRMO while a third one has emerged with liberal views. IIPF and ECP represent this latest. We intend to press ahead with reforms and we cannot restrict reformism to a specific group.

Q: In the build-up to June’s presidential election, ECP seems to be in favor of Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani to get his job back. Can you tell us if Mr Rafsanjani would run for president?
A: Mr Rafsanjani behaves differently from other candidates. He does not represent a special group and he cannot contest any specific rival. Rafsanjani is intrinsically unwilling to stand in the election.

Q: Mr Rafsanjani has launched an exciting political atmosphere in the country and everybody is frustrated. Don’t you think that Mr Hashemi’s behavior is a disregard of the society?
A: I don’t think that Mr Rafsanjani has begun a political game. Specific conditions in the society constitute the reason behind the name of Mr Rafsanjani being bandied about in the press. The society has concluded that an experienced captain is desperately needed. Therefore, there is no political game and that is just an instinctive gesture. Mr Rafsanjani has made it clear that he would not throw his hat into the ring until the conditions require his presence. He will be of the same view for at least one and a half month. If there was any game, others could disturb it. I think that Mr Rafsanjani is winning a consensus without any real intention. The elite has accepted Mr Rafsanjani as the qualified candidate for the number two job.

Q: Why is the presence of Mr Rafsanjani tied to the conditions of the society?
A: Mr Rafsanjani maintains that radicalism should be checked in the society so that Iran can have dialogue with the world in a bid to create better living conditions for the people. But if radical groups take top posts in the country the nation would face potential threats. Mr Rafsanjani feels obliged to contribute to defending the identity of the Islamic establishment in Iran and his presence, to me, will be a sacrifice. Mr Rafsanjani says radicalism is managed by certain centers in the country and he calls for resistance against such attitude.

Q: President Mohammad Khatami had said his hands were tied and he did not enjoy pervasive authority while Mr Rafsanjani is expected to create major changes in the society. Do you think that Mr Rafsanjani is determined enough to get his post back and practice bigger authority?
A: Mr Rafsanjani has never been a footman and he will never be so. Nor was Mr Khatami. A president enjoys enough power and using this term is not good. The important point is that the president should take advantage of his authority and lead social affairs.

Q: During his two terms of presidency, Mr Rafsanjani picked his Cabinet members from all political factions. He chooses the best economic ministers but he is not very precise on political and security managers. Is Mr Rafsanjani of the same attitude?
A: After the Iraqi war, the country needed reconstruction and any president must have paid due attention to economic development. Mr Rafsanjani insisted on reconstruction but he did enough for social and political development. Needless to say, many infrastructures were founded under the presidency of Mr Rafsanjani. The head of the Expediency Council must now have a different view of the state affairs. A government should not wipe the past off its mind and the governments should rely on their predecessors.

Q: When Mr Rafsanjani was president the country did not witness enough political development and the state officials were not called to order. Under presidency of Mohammad Khatami, political development emerged and students dared to be critical of the president. How can Mr Rafsanjani adapt himself to the present conditions?
A: Radicalism should be controlled because of its instability. Any president should be accountable under the present circumstances and such a thing will take place. Mr Rafsanjani will definitely control radicalism.

Q: Mr Rafsanjani has yet to declare his intention to run for president. The rightist faction is nominating former foreign minister Ali Akbar Velayati wile the reformist may be in favor of former minister of education Mohammad Ali Najafi. What will you do if Mr Rafsanjani backs Velayati?
A: Such a probability will never occur. Mr Rafsanjani will defend anyone who is against radicalism and can bolster the policies for balancing the Islamic system. We are still in hibernation and we face restrictions. The ECP will not shift support for any other candidate than Rafsanjani but it does not mean inactivism.

Q: But other parties have chosen their favorite candidates to make necessary planning.
A: Yes, you are right. IIPF is in favor of former minister of higher education Mostafa Min and the League of Combatant Clerics backs former speaker of parliament Mehdi Karroubi. ECP supports Rafsanjani. In case the former president sits out, we may coalesce with reformists.

Q: Is ECP likely to defend Hassan Rohani?
A: Rohani has not announced his intention to stand in the election. We cannot field any nominee before they decide to run. If Moin is disqualified by the Guardian Council the IIPF will split.

Q: Does it mean a political impasse for reformism?
A: No, that is not so because the people are in favor of reforms. Reformism does not rely on merely its self-declared representatives. Those who introduced themselves as “developers” no longer repeat their pragmatic mottoes and they are moving towards reforms. The reform movement is still lively."

Mohammad Atrianfar, publisher of the reformist Shargh newspaper

2005-05-01T22:04:00.000-07:00

Turkish Daily News - Confident Rafsanjani gets ready to run in Iran: "Powerbroker:Close aides say a Rafsanjani win is needed to check the power of hard-liners who since gaining control of parliament last year have questioned foreign investment deals, plundered state coffers for handouts and subsidies and taken a defiant stance on Iran's nuclear program.

"We're facing an extremist movement in Iran which is trying to gain power," said Rafsanjani backer Mohammad Atrianfar, publisher of the reformist Shargh newspaper. "What we're saying is we're facing a choice between good and bad.""

Hossein Mar’ashi Hero of Iran teaching Respect for the Iranian culture

2005-04-16T17:18:00.000-07:00

The Star Online: Lifestyle: "Respecting the Iranian culture

ONE of the most common complaints heard from non-Muslim tourists travelling in Iran is discomfort over the requirement for females above the age of eight to cover their heads.

While women are no longer required to conceal every single strand of hair – and many Iranian women, especially in Tehran, show more hair than they cover – every female still has to adhere strictly to the code.

Women must also not wear tight-fitting clothes and certainly not reveal anything more than their hands, face and maybe a little neck. Shoulders, upper arms, legs and, of course, the other parts of the body, are certainly no-nos.

However, tourists need not go overboard with the chador (similar to the tudung labuh) or the purdah (fully covered veil) unless they want to impress. These are now mainly worn by those from conservative backgrounds only.

The common perception is that women in Iran are all hidden away, living separate lives. The truth is more like this: this group of women are gleefully cheering on Laleh Seddigh, a woman race car driver who beat out the men to take the trophy at a race in Tehran stadium in January.--AFP photo
A few of the tour agents who were invited to Iran on a familiarisation tour recently called for tourists to be exempted from the rule, although this is unlikely to happen.

When asked what he thought of this suggestion, the Iranian vice-president and chairman of the Iran Cultural, Heritage of Tourism Organisation, Hossein Mar’ashi, said wearing a head covering was one way in which tourists could show respect for Iranian culture.

“When I visited Amritsar in India and entered the Golden Temple (the Sikh’s most revered temple), I was required to cover my head. It was done out of respect for local customs and laws,” he said.

He said it was acceptable for women to wear a hat instead of a scarf. “Any form of covering is all right, as long as the hair is covered,” he said.

Mar’ashi said the custom of covering the heads of females was not strictly Islamic, but more Persian. He said this was born out of the yearning to “protect women” and “ensure that due respect is accorded to them”.

This practice now has become an integral part of Iranian culture.

“For the visitor, I would say wearing the headscarf should be deemed to be part of your Iran experience,” he said."

His Execllency Hossein Mar’ashi in Malaysia - Targeting tourists to visit Iran

2005-04-16T17:15:00.000-07:00

The Star Online: Lifestyle: "Targeting tourists to visit Iran

HOSSEIN Mar’ashi has what must be one of the most difficult jobs in the world.

One of eight vice-presidents of the Islamic Republic of Iran, he is also chairman of the newly established Iran Cultural, Heritage and Tourism Organisation.

This means he has the task of attracting tourists to a country often portrayed as a cradle of Islamic fundamentalism and terrorism.

Nevertheless, unfazed by such circumstances, he is confident that he will succeed.

“I don’t think there is any difficulty in promoting tourism in Iran,” he said to a group of Malaysian journalists who had accompanied several travel agents belonging to the Malaysian Chinese Tourism Association on a familiarisation tour of Iran recently.

Man with a hard job: Hossein Mar’ashi is trying to tempt tourists to visit Iran.
What is needed, he said, is more awareness and promotion.

He said the Iranian government is very serious about developing tourism and had allocated US$30mil (RM114mil) for the next five years for this purpose.

Advertising would be high on the list of priorities. Other things include increasing infrastructure for tourists and improving existing facilities.

He said as tourism had not been a priority in the past 25 years, many facilities had not been developed.

“We are trying to cater to three markets, namely the Muslim pilgrimage market, cultural tourism market and the eco-tourism market,” he said.

Currently, the largest number of tourists comes from Europe – mainly Germans and French – followed by those from Arab countries. Asian tourists, such as those from Japan and Malaysia, came in third while Iranians residing overseas form the fourth largest group of tourists.

He said Malaysians are among the people the Iranian government is targeting because of their “closeness in terms of culture and heritage”.

Farzad Nakhaie, manager of Tehran-based Rozhan Tour and Travel, the agency that handled the familiarisation tour, said he is particularly interested in getting Chinese Malaysians to travel to Iran.

“Many Muslim Malaysians are already coming to Iran. However, there are very few Chinese Malaysians,” he said. He has been handling in-bound tours from Malaysia for around four years.

However, both Mar’ashi and Nakhaie might find that there is still a lot of hard work ahead to capture this market, as feedback from those who went on the familiarisation tour showed.

Grace Soo, whose agent handles many Middle Eastern tours, said Iran was more of a niche-market destination. “I doubt we will be able to get masses of Chinese Malaysians heading this way,” she said.

Malacca-based Yau Yee Pay agreed, saying that Iran would probably appeal more to English-speaking tourists. “But I think there are enough attractions, and the food is interesting. These may give us reason to consider something, maybe in the future,” she said.

Rozhan Tour and Travel can be contacted at #6, Ground Floor, Negin Africa Tower, Africa Boulevard, Tehran, Iran; ++98-21-879 8485; fax ++98-21-877 0181; rozhantour.com. "

Faezeh HASHEMI BAHREMANI (RAFSANJANI) Iranian

2005-03-30T06:29:00.000-08:00

Arab women Playrights- Ruler's wives: "Faezeh HASHEMI BAHREMANI (RAFSANJANI) Iranian

1963-
Politician and Sportswoman

educated Al-Zahra University and Islamic Azad University (Tehran)
Member of Majlis e-Shura e Islami 1996-
member of Central Council of the Communications Network of Women's NGOs
Vice-President of National Olympic Committee 1990-
Founder and President of Islamic Countries Women Sports Solidarity Council 1991- which organized the Islamic Countries' Women Sports Solidarity Games in 1993 and 1997
published The First Meeting 1991
managing director of Zanan (a women's journal)
The International Who's Who of Women 3rd ed. Europa Publications: London, 2002 p.236

International Encyclopedia of Women and Sports ed. Karen Christensen et al. New York: Macmillan Reference USA, 2001 p.587

http://www.muslimnews.co.uk/awardswin2002/index.php?page=hashemi

http://www.netiran.com/Htdocs/Clippings/DPolitics/970608XXDP01.html"

IT student's Weblog - 200 Billion Tomans Budget 4 IT Education! - Dr.Mohammad Baqer Nobakht

2005-03-28T05:26:00.000-08:00

IT student's Weblog: "200 Billion Tomans Budget 4 IT Education!!!
Dr.Mohammad Baqer Nobakht,a member of the budget and Calculations Commission in the Majlis,noted,"In spite of limitation in financial resources,the goverment has agreed to a 15 percent increase in the budget of the Ministry of the Education,research and Technology,4 1382."
Nobakht added,"What distinguishes this minisrty from other sectors in the 1382 budget is the allocation of a notable sum,200 billion tomans ,to IT education."

# posted by fatemeh khodaee @ 12:00 AM "

The "new right" Abadgaran and Ahmadinejad the street sweeper

2005-02-08T07:22:00.000-08:00

SOUTHWEST ASIA Iranian News: "The third group is the "new right," called the Abadgaran. It's a broad coalition of younger, second-generation revolutionaries, who dominate the current Parliament. Though classified as conservatives because of their allegiance to Iran's Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei, they espouse populist economic policies centered on social justice and the common good. They tend to view entrepreneurs as "greedy," and are suspicious of international trade. One of the Abadgaran's leaders is Tehran Mayor Mahmud Ahmadinejad, who occasionally dons the outfit of city street-cleaners and helps them sweep the capital."

War with Iran

2005-01-31T08:21:00.000-08:00

I received a nice note from a reader asking about the coming war with Iran. My feeling is that the war started with the overthrow of Mossadeq in 1953 and the puppet dictatorship of Mohammed Reza Pahlavi. I have no objection to a Shah but if there is to be a Shah it must be up to the Persian people not the Americans. So rather than review the whole history of American cold war against Iran let me start with the current situation.

Israel is putting great pressure on the US to stop the Iranian nuclear bomb project. Iran denies a bomb project and the UN's IAEA finds no evidence of a bomb project. American Neocons are anxious to do Israel's bidding. The US Military is over extended with the war in Iraq and cannot wage a land war on Iran without recalling the inactive reserve and resuming the draft. This would not be popular with the US people. The Neocons counter with a plan to bomb Iran into submission without using troops. The plan counts on massive air superiority and the use of indigenous rebels to over thrown the Islamic Republic. The only candidates for the rebels are the Mojahedin-e Khalq - MKO. The US State Department lists the MKO as a terrorist group and it is currently illegal for the US Government to give them money.

The question then becomes can the US overthrow the Islamic Republic with a bombing campaign? There is intense pressure to rehabilitate the image of the MKO so that they can be funded to wage war in Iran. Even a small voice such as my own is under intense pressure to silence my voice on the MKO issue. I have received threats demanding that I stop publishing many of my pages. Unfortunately the IRI is not willing to furnish detailed information to show the evil that the MKO has done. If the IRI remains silent there is a good chance that the US will recognize the MKO and fund them. A sustained bombing campaign even if unsuccessful will be bad for the people of Iran.

What can the IRI do? Obviously anything that they can do to block the MKO is important. However more important is the speech that the Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei made Monday, July 5th 2004 in Hamadan. Ayatollah Khamenei said, "The Iranian people will cut off its hand without hesitation and endanger the interests of the aggressor everywhere in the world". What then can the Ayatollah Khamenei do to impact the US? A handful of thoughts come to mind. First of all closing or interdicting the Straights of Hormuz would block more than half of the worlds oil supply. The US Military is over extended in Iraq so raising a revolt among the Shia, against the US in Iraq would cause massive pressure. Afghanistan is quiet but vulnerable. A massacre of Americans would be easy to start. In 1978 then Afghan Army Captain Ismail Khan started a massacre in Herat that started the war that destroyed the Russians. President Kharzai controls only that part of the country that America guarantees him so a revolt is possible. A separate country taking in non-Pashtun Afghanistan is plausible. To the south the Baluch of Pakistani occupied Baluchistan are a bomb waiting to be ignited. Already there is growing agitation among the Marri and the Bugti Baluch against the Pakistani Government. Pakistan seeks to be all things to all people and treads a dangerous course betweens the demands of the US and the demands of Islam.

Does the US really want war? The Neocon faction does but there are changes in the second term. Doug Feith has resigned and Wolfowitz has reached the peak of his power and is receding. Rumsfeld is besieged. Rice as Secretary of State is steering an independent course. She was under pressure to make John Bolton her deputy but she declined. Rice is a voice of moderation and she has the President’s ear in a way Powell never did. At this point the US seems inclined to threaten but not start a shooting war.

What will Iran do? Clearly Ayatollah Khamenei is in control and what he wishes will come to pass. The upcoming Presidential race is problematic. As of now it seems clear that Rafsanjani will win unless Ayatollah Khamenei decides to stop him. The reformists are split and ineffectual. The movement is split into two parts, those who support Velayat-e Fiqh who have no public support and those who seek to overthrow the Government who are frozen out of politics by the Judiciary. The Conservatives seek to embrace a dangerous foreign policy. If Rafsanjani is out then I suspect that Velayati is a safe choice for the Islamic Republic. However Larijani seems to have the advantage unless of course Ayatollah Khamenei supports one over the other. If a reformist wins it would be 4 more wasted years like the last 8. If a Conservative wins then it could pressure the US to do something foolish. If Rafsanjani wins then he engineers a deal to normalize trade in exchange for verification of no bomb project.

At this point all I can do is sit back and watch the moves since it is in play now. I only hope that no more US servicemen have to die in foreign adventures that can be avoided and that no Iranians have to die for a bomb project that does not exist.
Barry O’Connell

Iran First Lady Zahra Sadiqi Visits Bahrain

2005-01-18T09:16:00.000-08:00

Gulf Daily News: "Iran First Lady leaves

ZAHRA Sadiqi, wife of Iranian President Mohammed Al Khatami, and her delegation left yesterday after an official three-day visit at the invitation of Her Highness Shaikha Sabeeka bint Ibrahim Al Khalifa, wife of His Majesty King Hamad and chairwoman of the Supreme Council for Women.

She held talks with Shaikha Sabeeka and other leading officials on bilateral co-operation and matters of concern to women.

She was seen off by Her Highness, council deputy chairperson and Bahrain University president Shaikha Dr Mariam bint Hassan Al Khalifa, council secretary-general Lulwa Al Awadhi and other officials.

Mrs Sadiqi earlier in the day visited Al Jasra Handicraft Centre, accompanied by leading Bahraini ladies and members.

She was briefed by centre chairperson Shaikha Wafa bint Saif Al Khalifa on traditional Bahraini crafts and industries, particularly ceramics.

Mrs Sadiqi and her delegation also visited Bahrain University where she was received by Shaikha Dr Mariam, Mrs Al Awadhi, head of the honorary mission and council member Baheeja Al Dailami and a number of college deans and heads of departments.

Shaikha Dr Mariam expressed the faculty's pride at meeting Mrs Sadiqi, briefing her on the university's role in women's education. Shaikha Dr Mariam also hailed co-operation between the university and the council in implementing joint projects and exchanging know-how within the framework of the memo of understanding they had signed."

Alaeddin Boroujerdi - Iraqi Elections Will Restore Stability

2005-01-12T12:54:00.000-08:00

Iran Daily: "Iraqi Elections Will Restore Stability

TEHRAN, Jan. 12--A lawmaker on Wednesday underlined the need to hold sound and free general elections in Iraq to restore stability and security to the country.
Alaeddin Boroujerdi, head of Majlis National Security and Foreign Policy Commission, expressed hope all ethnic and religious groups could take part in the January 30 elections which will prepare the ground for establishment of an independent Iraq without the presence of foreign troops, IRNA reported.
In his meeting with Secretary-General of Iraq's Kurdestan Islamic Union Salahuddin Mohammad Bahauddin, he underlined the significance of the deeply-rooted religious, cultural and historical bonds between the two countries and briefed the Iraqi official on Iran's stances.
"Iran's policy is based on the need for Iraq's unity and territorial integrity and non-interference of foreigners in that country," he said.
Boroujerdi underscored the need for solidarity among Iraqi groups, saying that Iran's government and Majlis will support Iraq's reconstruction efforts.
"Unity, solidarity and cooperation among ethnic and religious groups in Iraq will neutralize the plots hatched by its enemies," he said.
The Iraqi official, for his part, briefed Boroujerdi about Iraq's current developments.
Bahauddin stressed the need to hold a free and sound election in Iraq with the participation of all Iraqi ethnic groups, expressing hope that Iran-Iraq relations would broaden in the wake of free elections in his country."

Prosecutor Saeed Mortazavi and the Kazemi Case

2005-01-12T08:08:00.000-08:00

Iran Judiciary Chief asks prosecutor Saeed Mortazavi to deal with culprits in Kazemi's death severely: "7/22/03
Iran Judiciary Chief asks prosecutor Saeed Mortazavi to deal with culprits in Kazemi's death severely

Judiciary Chief Ayatollah seyed Mahmoud Shahroudi, appreciating the president's timely and quick order for investigation about Zahra Kazemi's death, asked the Tehran prosecutor Saeed Mortazavi to deal with those involved in her death according to the laws, as soon as possible, IRNA reported from Tehran.

Ayatollah Shahroudi who was speaking at the weekly gathering of the judiciary officials, said, "The four ministers appointed by resident Khatami have prepared a comprehensive account of the event, a copy of which was sent to me by the president."

Appreciating the efforts made by the four ministers in charge, Shahroudi said, "Their report has been delivered to the judiciary or careful and speedy consideration, and the signature of the esteemed health minster at its bottom makes the judiciary's task easier."

Ayatollah Shahroudi assured that the possible involved parties in the issue would definitely be punished by the judiciary.

According to the delegation appointed by the president, the reason or the death of the photo jounalist Zahra Kazemi, 54, on July 11 in ne of Tehran's hospitals, has been announced as "brain hemorrhage, due to strike on the head."

Kazemi who worked for a Canadian journal was arrested while taking hotographs in front of Tehran's Evin Prison on June 23.

Following this Iranian photojournalists' death, President Khatami appointed a committee comprised of the ministers of Culture nd Islamic Guidance, Interior, and Judiciary, to survey the matter and report to him immediately.

President asks Shahroudi to hold judicial inquiry into Kazemi's death
President Mohammad Khatami on Monday forwarded the findings of the probe into the death of Mrs Zahra Kazemi to the Head of the Judiciary Ayatollah Mahmoud Shahroudi and called for legal inquiries into the case, IRNA reported from Tehran.
In a letter to Ayatollah Shahroudi, President Khatami said that legal action against those probably involved in the attack will prove that justice is being observed and the rights of every individual are respected.

The president expressed condolence to Mrs Kazemi's family.

The inquiry conducted by five cabinet ministers found that Mrs Kazemi's death was caused by a fracture in her skull while she was under arrest.

Karroubi dismisses questions on prosecutor in journalist's death case
Parliament Speaker Mehdi Karroubi on Tuesday rejected criticism about submitting the case on the death of Iranian journalist Zahra Kazemi to Tehran prosecutor for investigation, IRNA reported from Tehran.
"Naturally when somebody is treated unfairly, the Judiciary has to probe into that," he told reporters at the floor of the parliament when asked if Tehran prosecutor Saeed Mortazavi was fit to handle the case.

President Mohammad Khatami on Monday sent a special committee's findings on the death of the 54-year-old journalist to Judiciary Chief Ayatollah Mahmoud Shahroudi.

The judiciary has to launch its own investigation to find out if anyone was to blame for the death of the victim, who died while in custody.

The ad hoc committee, formed on President Khatami's order, has said that Kazemi died after her skull was fractured either 'because a hard object hit her head or her head hit a hard object'.

A key Khatami ally and MP from Tehran, Ali Akbar Mohtashami-Pour, told IRNA Tuesday that 'given the president's emphasis that those responsible for Zahra Kazemi's death be established, the special committee's report in this case has not completely answered Mr. Khatami's questions'.

Ministry of Culture has said that the journalist was arrested last month while illegally taking pictures from Evin prison in Tehran and whisked away to Information (Intelligence) Ministry, where he felt unwell and was taken to hospital.

Several days later, she was pronounced dead from brain stroke on July 11, the head of the ministry's foreign media office, Mohammad-Hossein Khoshvaqt said.

The 54-year-old journalist worked for Canada's Camera Press magazine. Iran has rejected Canada's request to transfer the journalist's body to that country, saying, "Mrs. Kazemi is an Iranian citizen and in this case we will act according to the will of her family.""

Mortazavi Press Trials in Iran

2005-01-12T08:06:00.000-08:00

Press Freedom in Iran: "After the closure of Tous in September 1998, pressure on the press continued to mount. The independent newspapers Rah-e No (New Way), Tavana (Capable), Jame'eh, Salem (Healthy Society), Navid Esfahan (Gospel of Isfahan), Iran-e Farda (Tomorrow's Iran), and Mubayyin (Announcer) were closed by the Press Court. Adineh (Friday), a cultural monthly not previously known to have been the subject of complaints, was ordered closed by the Press Court in February 1999. In the cases of Jame-eh Salem and Adineh, the jury found them in violation of the Press Law but recommended minimum punishment, not including closure. The judge disregarded the jury's recommendations and closed them both. However, it is important to note that all of the above titles with the exception of Tous continue to publish despite the closure orders issued by the court. They justified their continued operation on the grounds that they had not received the formal closure order.

Following the Adineh decision, the jury protested the judge's action in that case by not attending the next hearing, involving a complaint against Keyhan (Galaxy) newspaper. This forced a postponement in the proceedings. At the second Keyhan hearing, the judge dismissed the six jurors who had absented themselves. Since then the Press Court in Tehran has not been able to convene because of the unavailability of the six jurors, who filed a lawsuit with the High Judicial Disciplinary tribunal against the judge claiming that he had acted improperly in dismissing them. In August 1999, the tribunal found that Saeid Mortazavi, the judge in the press court in Tehran, had exceeded his authority in ordering the dismissal of the jurors, but recommended no punishment. He remains in office.17 President Khatami also established a special commission to review the functioning of the press courts, but the result of the commission's review has not yet been published."

Iran's Minister of Culture's two new deputies Khoshkhou & Kazemi

2005-01-11T16:22:00.000-08:00

Iran Mania News: "Iran's Minister of Culture's two new deputies

Thursday, March 11, 2004 - ©2004 IranMania.com

Tehran, March 11 (IranMania) – Iran’s Minister of Culture and Islamic Guidance appointed Dr Mohammad Hussein Imani Khoshkhou as his deputy in the artistic affairs.

Imani Khoshkhou who is presently the Secretary of Iran’s Public Cultural Council holds a Ph.D. in economy from Britain’s Manchester University. He is also in charge of the coordination of UNESCO’s cultural and artistic activities in Iran.

The Iranian Minister of Culture and Islamic Guidance, Ahmad Masjed Jameie appointed Morteza Kazemi as his deputy in economic affairs."

Deputy Minister Mohammad Hossein Imani Khoshkhou visits the 10th international puppet plays festival

2005-01-11T16:20:00.000-08:00

Iran Daily: "Puppet Festival Winds Up

TEHRAN, Sept. 21--The 10th international puppet plays festival wound up with a ceremony at Vahdat Hall.
Fars news agency said that 16 countries took part in the weeklong festival by dispatching 17 groups. They presented 13 plays out of a total of 29 performances in the event.
Several workshops as well as lectures and seminars were organized on the sidelines of the festival.
Head of the Center for Dramatic Arts Khosrow Neshan said that 110 Iranian artists took part in staging 10 puppet plays.
Deputy Minister of Culture and the Islamic Guidance for Arts Affairs Mohammad Hossein Imani Khoshkhou said that it was a pleasure to see that the puppet plays were staged in the most attractive manner.
He said that the arts are beginning to have a positive impact on the Iranian society because they do not follow ethnic themes. Iran has managed to stage the most attractive puppet plays among Asian states.
Imani Khoshkhou said that the puppet plays conform to requirements of the society adding that the puppet show emerged in Europe in 18th century and flourished in the past two decades.
He said that the puppet plays festival is a means for conducting dialogue among civilizations. —We should apply the art for interaction among different nations and hold the puppet festival every year.š
Head of the International Union of Marionette Arts (UNIMA) Massimo Schuster expressed pleasure over the success of the festival saying, —I saw several puppet plays conforming to international standards in Iran.š
He said that the UNIMA is a family regardless of race, culture and religion of different nations working to develop friendship among the nations.
Schuster, Neshan and Imani Khoshkhou awarded certificates of merit to representatives of the 17 countries taking part in the international festival."

Chalabi: "Accusing Iran of interfering in Iraq unacceptable"

2005-01-10T14:22:00.000-08:00

: "Chalabi:Accusing Iran of interfering in Iraq unacceptable
Ilam, Jan 11, IRNA -- Head of Iraqi National Congress Party Ahmed Chalabi said Monday in Baghdad, "Accusations made by some Iraqi
officials against Iran are totally unacceptable."

Radio Iraq in one of its Monday night reports quoted Chalabi saying as, "Iraq is not under the influence of Iran. the Iranians` interest in Iraq is mainly due to presence of Imam Ali`s (PBUH) and Imam Hossein`s (PBUH) shrines in our soil. He added, "The `Solid Iraq` election list, which is backed by Grand Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Sistani, has nothing to do with establishment of a political system similar to the Islamic Republic of Iran."

Chalabi further reiterated that Iran has never interfered in Iraq`s internal affairs and that accusations by some Iraqi officials in that concern were groundless and proof for inconstancy on political orations in Prime Minister Allawi`s government. Although Allawi is my friend, Chalabi said, I am unsatisfied with his security policy in Iraq and some of the existing problems arise from the weak conduct of his government.

Chalabi`s remarks were mainly interpreted as a reaction to reband Iraqi Defense Minister al-Shaalan`s often repeated baseless accusations, and even threats against the friendly Iranian nation and government."

[28 Oct 1996] GA/SHC/3367 : Fatemeh Hashemi Bahremani Statement to the UN

2005-01-10T13:17:00.000-08:00

[28 Oct 1996] GA/SHC/3367 : IMPROVED STATUS OF WOMEN NECESSARY TO SUSTAIN ECONOMIC GROWTH, THIRD COMMITTEE TOLD, AS DEBATE CONTINUES ON WOMEN'S ISSUES: "FATEMEH HASHEMI BAHREMANI (Iran) said the world was facing a moral crisis caused by centuries of tyranny, injustice and bankrupt moral values, as well as indifference and inaction in granting women's inherent rights. The advancement of women was considered among the main elements for social development because it played a vital role in economic, social, cultural and political development. Ensuring that women enjoy all human rights was an essential precondition for development, because women's issues affected all of society. The successful advancement of women's rights should address three integrated areas: family, society and the State. In the process of implementing such a programme, respect for each country's moral, cultural and religious values should also be respected.

Iran's experiences in the advancement of women had been built on the basis of the Islamic tenets following the Islamic Revolution, she said. The Government had endeavoured to improve women's status in all aspects during the past 18 years. Women were participating in all economic, social and political activities, including in the national decision-making process as members of parliament, advisers and under-secretaries to the president and ministers. A women's council, a policy-making body for women's issues, had been established in order to further the status of women. Work had been carried out in health services as well, and as a result women's life expectancy had increased and birth mortality had been reduced."

Gholam-Ali Haddad Adel: Parliament expected a qualified person as Iran's Minister of Roads

2005-01-09T18:16:00.000-08:00

Speaker: Parliament expected a qualified person as Iran's Minister of Roads: "Speaker: Parliament expected a qualified person as Iran's Minister of Roads

Tehran, Jan 9, IRNA -- Majlis Speaker Gholam-Ali Haddad Adel said on Sunday that the legislature expected the nomination of a more efficient person as the new minister of roads and transportation.
Ahmad Sadeq Bonab, proposed by President Mohammad Khatami as a candidate for the office of the minister of roads and transportation, failed to secure a Majlis vote of confidence.

Out of 249 lawmakers attending the Majlis session on Sunday, 129 voted against, 105 cast their ballots in favor of the proposed candidate and 15 were abstained.

Haddad Adel added that Majlis vote of no-confidence for Sadeq Bonab, or for any other person, does not mean that the person is not capable of assuming other responsibilities.

Mr. Bonab is not affiliated to a particular political party but Majlis gave him vote of non-confidence because the body expected that a more efficient person should have been named, he added.

Haddad Adel appreciated Bonab's efforts during his tenure as the caretaker of the ministry in the past three months, expressing hope that Khatami will introduce a qualified person at the earliest.

The open session of the Majlis is to be held on Tuesday."

Majlis rejects Sadeq Bonab for post of transport minister

2005-01-09T17:25:00.000-08:00

Description of Selected News: "Majlis rejects nominee for post of transport minister

Tehran Times Political Desk
TEHRAN (MNA) -- On Sunday the Majlis rejected President Mohammad Khatami’s nominee for transportation minister, Ahmad Sadeq Bonab.

Of a total of 249 votes, 105 voted to approve Sadeq Bonab, 129 voted against him, and 15 abstained.

Sadeq Bonab was the deputy transportation minister under former transport minister Ahmad Khorram, who was impeached and removed from office by the parliament.

Majlis Speaker Gholam-Ali Haddad Adel said that the legislature expected the nomination of a more efficient person as the new transportation minister, IRNA reported.

Haddad Adel added that Majlis vote of no-confidence for Sadeq Bonab, or for any other person, does not mean that the person is not capable of assuming other responsibilities.

“Mr. Bonab is not affiliated to a particular political party but Majlis gave him vote of non-confidence because the body expected that a more efficient person should have been named,” he added.

Haddad Adel appreciated Sadeq Bonab's efforts during his tenure as the caretaker minister in the past three months, expressing hope that Khatami will introduce a qualified person at the earliest."

Jammu and Kashmir, biggest theatre of sacrifice: Lt Gen Sinha

2005-01-07T04:49:00.000-08:00

Jammu and Kashmir, biggest theatre of sacrifice: Lt Gen Sinha: "Jammu and Kashmir, biggest theatre of sacrifice: Lt Gen Sinha:
[India News]: Jammu, Jan 07 : Describing Jammu and Kashmir as the biggest theatre of sacrifce, Governor Lt Gen S K Sinha has complimented the people of Jammu and Kashmir for scripting a saga of valour along with the army, paramilitary forces and police in fighting the proxy for decade and half.

"Over 15,000 civilians fell prey to killing by the terrorists in the state during the past 15 years. This included thousands of helpless women and children," Sinha said, speaking at the fundation-laying ceremony of Balidhan Stambh last evening.

General Sinha said that the country has fought five wars with the help of the strong will of its people and supreme sacrifices of its forces.

He said nowhere in the country have such a large number of people's lives were sacrificed in Jammu and Kashmir for upholding the national integrity.

In this backdrop, he said, the raising of a unique war memorial is a historic occasion not only for the city of temples but for the whole country.

He described Jammu as a land of valiant soldiers who remained always in the forefront to defend sovereignty and territorial integrity of the country. PTI"

Zahra Rahnavard Wife of ex-PM Moussavi urges release of detained female journalist

2005-01-06T20:54:00.000-08:00

Wife of ex-PM urges release of detained female journalist: "3/3/01
Wife of ex-PM urges release of detained female journalist

Tehran, March 3, IRNA -- The wife of former Iranian prime minister Mir-Hossein Moussavi, Zahra Rahnavard, has called for the release of a woman reformist, Fariba Davoudi Mohajer, who was arrested last month on "yet undeclared charges" as reported by the press on Saturday.
The daily Hayat-e Now quoted Rahnavard as denouncing the "reprehensible" manner of the arrest which it described as a "stark violation of her privacy" guaranteed under the laws of the state.

"We urge the release of Ms Davoudi-Mohajer and seek an apology from armed agents who arrested her in a violent manner," she told a group of students in Al-Zahra University.

"Why should a female journalist be arrested in a violent way before the eyes of her family?" she asked.

She said that Islam dismisses such "reprehensible acts."

Davoudi-Mohajer was arrested last month. Her husband, Mohammad Baqer Bakhtiar, was quoted by the press as saying that several men, armed with warrants from Tehran's revolutionary court, beat his wife before taking her to an unspecified place.

Davoudi-Mohajer was the head of the public relations office of the now-banned Khordad daily, once managed by a former vice-president, Abdullah Nouri, now serving a jail sentence on dissent charges.

Meanwhile, another woman reformist figure, Fatemeh Haqiqatjou, last week took a sharp snipe at the Iranian judiciary for the "violent arrest" of Davoudi-Mohajer.

Newspaper reports of the arrest said that persons acting as agents of the judiciary yanked off Mohajer's chador (veil), squeezed her in between doors and ransacked her bedrooms.

The Tehran Revolutionary Court denied its agents had maltreated Davoudi-Mohajer.

Meanwhile, the student news agency ISNA said a "nationalist party" has condemned the continuing arrest of reformist journalists in the country.

It regretted the detention of nationalist leader Ezzatollah Sahabi and denounced confessions extracted from him "under the worst forms of duress."

It said that Sahabi was not able to recognize his own family members who visited him in prison last week.

Sahabi, 75, was sentenced in January to four years in prison for his part in a Berlin conference on political change in Iran. He is serving his sentence at Tehran's Evin prison. Other charges are currently pending against him in court in connection with articles he published as managing director of the banned Iran-e Farda journal.

The party has also blasted the detention of Reza Alijani, an editor of the banned Iran-e Farda journal (a mouthpiece of the banned but somewhat tolerated Iran's Freedom Movement), on orders of the Islamic Revolutionary Court.

Another pro-reform columnist of Iran-e Farda, Hoda Saber, was arrested on orders of the Islamic Revolutionary Court in January. He remains in jail to date.

Over 30 newspapers in Iran have been closed down and a number of their journalists indicted on various charges since April this year. Alleged offenses include "provoking public disorder, engaging in anti-revolutionary activities and insulting Islam."

Neither East Nor West : One Woman's Journey Through the Islamic Republic of Iran
© Copyright 2001 NetNative
(All Rights Reserved)"

Khamenei, Rafsanjani, Moussavi 1984 Cabinet Reshuffle

2005-01-06T20:46:00.000-08:00

TIME Magazine Archive Article -- Who's Up, Who's Down -- Aug. 27, 1984: "Who's Up, Who's Down

Aug. 27, 1984

Eager to show there was support for his policies, Prime Minister Mir Hossein Moussavi asked Iran's parliament last week to give him and his government a vote of confidence.

What Moussavi got instead was a split decision: he and 15 Cabinet ministers won approval, but five officials, including Defense Minister Muhammad Salimi, were dismissed. Salimi's ouster was not tied to the conduct of Iran's four-year war with Iraq, since military strategy rests with Iran's generals and Ayatullah Ruhollah Khomeini's inner circle. Instead, Salimi was accused of not weeding out waste in the country's defense budget.

In addition, Salimi and another cashiered minister belong to an ultraconservative Shi'ite Muslim group that has been critical of Khomeini's policies. The shake-up apparently was engineered by Parliamentary Speaker Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, who believes that such dissent is divisive. Rafsanjani's maneuver may show that in the rivalry between him and President Seyed Ali Khamenei, Rafsanjani is winning. "He has Khomeini's ear," said a senior Iranian official. "By forcing a Cabinet reshuffle, he just demonstrated who is boss.""

Moussavi - an experienced politician who enjoyed Khomeini's confidence

2005-01-06T20:43:00.000-08:00

Muaffaq al-Rubai - Iraqi interim government National Security Adviser: "Power struggles in Tehran

Amid mounting concern over Iran's widely suspected pursuit of a nuclear capability it has become clear that the reformers in Tehran have lost the battle for control of the country's destiny. The important question is which of Iran's hardliners will succeed outgoing President Mohammad Khatami?

The battle for political control of Iran is no longer being fought between the 'moderate' reformers and the hardliners, but within the ranks of the conservatives. Since losing ground to the hardliners in parliament - with many of his key supporters being banned from even standing as candidates in last February's elections - Khatami has appeared to be the largely powerless figure-head of a reform movement that has been effectively derailed by the conservative factions. Having lost the confidence of many younger Iranians who were demanding more liberalisation, the political prospects for the president's supporters look bleaker than ever.

Under Iran's constitution, the president is only eligible to serve two consecutive terms, so Khatami - elected for the first time in 1997 and for a second term in 2001 - cannot stand again in the elections scheduled to be held in June 2005. However, given the widespread disillusionment which has been the hallmark of his second term in office, there would have been no guarantee that he could have won a third mandate.

Khatami's inevitable exit from frontline politics in 2005 leaves the weakened reform movement without an obvious candidate to succeed him. One possible choice, former prime minister Mir Hossein Moussavi, recently ruled himself out of the race. Despite mounting pressure from reformers to stand, Moussavi - who served as Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini's prime minister from 1981 to 1989 - has now formally declined the nomination, much to the disappointment of Khatami and his supporters, since Moussavi is regarded as an experienced politician who enjoyed Khomeini's confidence.

With the reformers in deep disarray, the field is wide open for the conservatives to add the prize of the presidency to their control of Iran's parliament. Although ultimate political power continues to rest with the country's Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, the presidential post is regarded as a key target if the hardliners are to regain full control over the Islamic Republic and safeguard - as they see it - Khomeini's legacy."

Conservative lawmakers to Meet Moussavi 8/3/04

2005-01-06T20:40:00.000-08:00

Mellat Electronic Newspaper: "MPs to Meet Moussavi

TEHRAN - A group of conservative lawmakers have decided to meet with former prime minister Mir-Hossein Moussavi, an MP said.
The Imam Khomeini Followers Faction will schedule a meeting in coming weeks.
"We will try our best to bolster a unity among the reformists," Esmael Gerami-Moqaddam told ISNA.
Iran's embattled reformists say they will back Mousavi in presidential elections scheduled for June 2005.
Mousavi served in the now-defunct position of prime minister from 1981 to 1989. Seen as a leftist within the Islamic republic, he was also a former foreign minister and was close to Iran's revolutionary leader Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini.
He has largely kept out of politics since Imam Khomeini's death in 1989.The second and final term in office of Iran's incumbent president, embattled pro-reform cleric Mohammad Khatami, ends in June 2005.

August 3, 2004"

Fresh Diplomacy; An Interview With Aladdin Boroujerdi By Yasser Moradi

2005-01-05T18:24:00.000-08:00

Netiran>Articles>Politics>Foreign Affairs>Fresh Diplomacy; An Interview With Aladdin Boroujerdi: "Fresh Diplomacy; An Interview With Aladdin Boroujerdi

Hamshahri, Daily Newspaper, No. 3440, Jul. 17th, 2004, Page 8
By : Yasser Moradi

Chairman of Majlis Foreign Policy and National Security Aladdin Boroujerdi says the Islamic Republic looks into all countries from a positive standpoint. "We are set to broaden our ties with the Europe, nuclear case aside. Unlike the United States, the Europeans and Iran can have good bonds," he says. Boroujerdi who was once a deputy foreign minister says Iran has to adopt a more active diplomacy vis-à-vis the non-aligned nations. "It does not necessary mean that we forget our interactions with the Europeans."

Q: We start the interview from the former parliament. You were an active member of the Foreign Policy and National Security Committee of the previous assembly. What is your assessment of the interaction between the majority (reformists) and the minority (conservatives)?
A: Decisions are adopted based on the voting process. Therefore the majority holds the final say even if the minority is active. The former parliament was no exception. The minority tried its best to serve the national interests in the best possible way. The former assembly voted a bill allowing Iranian citizens take legal action against the Untied States. The Americans had filed lawsuits against the Islamic Republic for years and they had condemned the Iranian government to paying hefty amounts. The sixth Majlis adopted an anti-US bill while the reformists held different views.
In the former assembly, we decided to hold regular meetings so that the majority and the minority could make better decisions. The reformists were represented by Messrs Behzad Nabavi, Rajabali Mazrouie, Mohammad Naimipour and Kian Ersi while the conservatives were represented by Mr Gholam-Ali Haddad-Adel, Moussa Qorbani, Ahmad Nateq Nouri and me. We held six meetings before our friends abandoned the reunions. The majority lawmakers were not willing to interact with us. Once the legislators were marching toward the Palestinian Embassy in Tehran in support for the defenseless Palestinians. The reformists had called for elimination of the slogan of "Death to US". That was the case while the American and Israeli interests are interlocked.

Q: How will you make planning in the new assembly? What projects will feature high on your agenda?
A: We are set to overhaul the committee. We have defined three committees for foreign relations, national security and a defense committee. We are closing our eyes on party-domination and are recruiting seasoned lawmakers. We named Mr Manouchehr Mottaki to lead the foreign relations committee. Mr Mottaki had served as Iranian ambassador to foreign countries and also deputy foreign minister. Mr Ashouri was tiped to lead the committee for national security and the defense committee went to MR Talainik because of his valuable experience during the Iraqi imposed war. In the first step, we tried to make the bet use of the experience so that we can define our priorities. Our task is based on the guidelines of the Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. We want to be active and ignore any passiveness. We are also arranging tours from the strategic centers for the members of the committee. An ad hoc committee has been set up to make an assessment of the performance of the four minist!
ries whose affairs are related to the Majlis Committee for National Security and Foreign Policy.

Q: How do you define your interaction with the government?
A: We are maintaining positive interaction with the government. We have to help the government because the foreign policy and national security represent vital categories for the country. We should stand against colonialist regimes and have our own say. I do not mean that we should get into squabbling but we have to proceed with logic ties based on international norms. We do not seek tension and we believe in positive interaction with the world.

Q: How well has Mr Khatami's administration done in its interaction with other nation?
A: Iran's ties with two Muslim neighbors -- Turkey and Pakistan -- have declined in recent years. We have to tip a balance to our commercial ties with other countries. Political and economic bonds are intertwined and we have to use politics for economy and vice versa.

Q: Mr Khatami has not emerged from a powerful standpoint on the international scene in the past eight years. What do you think?
A: Mr Khatami's government called for détente. His predecessor, Mr Hashemi Rafsanjani, was also bent on elimination of tension with other countries without chanting the same motto. The problem with Mr Khatami's administration is that we had no demarcation between the détente and national dignity. We circumvented the red lines so that the European ambassadors venture out to raise inappropriate remarks against us. We are boastful of our Islamic identity.
We are at odds with the United States because of its tone against Iran. We dismiss any dialogue with the United States because Washington considers us a country of lower status. We agree with a dialogue under equal conditions. We base our ties with the world on our Islamic principles. Unfortunately, we have seen improper phenomena under Mr Khatami's administration.

Q: Do you predict that Iran and the United States would open any dialogue while the current assembly is in power?
A: The Americans should learn that twenty five years have passed since the Islamic Revolution and many changes have taken place. We reject any wolf-sheep relation. The Americans should set aside its unjust policy of massacre whose examples are clear in the region. Then we can think of a dialogue. But now the time is not ripe.

Q: An interim government has taken over in Iraq and the time has come for Iran to define its relations with its next-door neighbor. What do you think about Iran-Iraq relations and what role can the parliament play in this respect?
A: Iraq can be defined differently. Despite an internecine war, Iraq is a Muslim nation and had better keep our ties with the neighbor. Iraq is also rich in oil reserves and we have had deep-seated religious bonds with one another. Meanwhile, the current Iraqi situation is ephemeral and it will not take long. Multinational forces are in Iraq and we have to help this country gain independence. The issue of Iraq is on our agenda in the parliament. The most revered Shiite cleric in Iraq, Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Hosseini al-Sistani, should have a say in the state affairs. A religious democracy has to be installed in this country. In general, Iran and Iraq should maintain positive interactions.

Q: The most significant issue in the parliament must be Iran's adhesion to the Additional Protocol to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) for snap inspection of the nuclear facilities. The parliamentarians have already pushed for the government to resume the enrichment of uranium. How is the parliament envisioning this thorny issue?
A: The United States has managed to pit the world against us through its print media and we have to win back the world confidence in our peaceful nuclear programs. To this effect, we held dialogue with the three European countries to prove our goodwill and neutralize the US-Israeli conspiracy against the country. We voluntarily suspended our enrichment of uranium. The Europeans promised us to have Iran's nuclear dossier closed in exchange for our decision to halt building components for centrifuges. We intended to demonstrate that we were not seeking any atomic bomb. We also gave our initial approval to the NPT. But the Europeans did not keep their pledges and even violated their obligations. They adopted a harsh resolution against Iran last month.
I told the British ambassador to Tehran that the Europeans destroyed everything. Our top nuclear negotiator Mr Hassan Rohani informed the European leaders of our decision to resume the uranium enrichment. The NPT authorizes us to have access to peaceful nuclear technology and the nuclear powers have violated their commitments. The government has to resume the enrichment of uranium. Otherwise, we feel responsible and will push it to do so. We are adopting a motion in this regard.

Q: Will the parliament ratify the Additional Protocol?
A: Under the present circumstances, we cannot make up our minds. The Europeans have to make up for their mistakes to set the stage for our deliberations.

Q: Don't you think that our cooperation with the Non-Aligned countries would benefit us more than our trust in the Europeans?
A: We look into all countries from a positive standpoint. We are set to broaden our ties with the Europe, nuclear case aside. Unlike the United States, the Europeans and Iran can have good bonds. However, we have to adopt a more active diplomacy vis-à-vis the non-aligned nations. It does not necessary mean that we forget our interactions with the Europeans."

Marashi outlines Kargozaran plans for parliamentary elections

2005-01-05T04:51:00.000-08:00

Marashi outlines Kargozaran plans for parliamentary elections: "Payvand's Iran News ...

10/19/99
Marashi outlines Kargozaran plans for parliamentary elections
Tehran, Oct. 19, IRNA -- A senior official of Kargozaran-e Sazangedi (executives of construction) party, outlining its plans for participation in the sixth parliamentary elections, slated for February 18, said the party may form coalition with legal and official groups.
Speaking at a press conference, acting secretary general of the party Hussein Marashi said according to the approval of the central council, Kargozaran will never form coalition with the right faction. but, he stressed, it may include in its proposed list, those competent candidates from the right faction whose plans are in conformity with those of Kargozaran.

He said the right faction is composed of two different groups-- a prudent and sympathetic trend which seeks preservation of unity and convergence among political groups and an extremist wing which might ruin the achievements of the former and expose the country to political crisis.

He called on what he referred to as the "prudent group" of factions to show reaction against incalculated political moves of the extremist groups.

Terming as "unpredictable" composition of the 6th parliament, Marashi said such a formation does not merely depend on orientations of the right faction but rather on the consolidation of reformist forces.

He told reporters that despite some disagreements with "2nd Khordad front" (took shape in the aftermath of May 23, 1997 presidential elections), Kargozaran will not appear in the forthcoming elections independently. Rather, he added, the party will strive to coalesce with 2nd Khordad groups while preserving its own plans and policies.

Marashi pointed to promulgation of rule of law, discipline in running state affairs, institutionalization of public participation in their own fate, striving to construct the country, preservation of individual and social security and freedoms, support for the Majlis, backing detente policy at international fora and care for affairs pertaining to women and youth as topics of Kargozaran's plans for the forthcoming elections.

Underlining preservation of individual and collective security for all masses of the society, Marashi said security is a protective umbrella which should cover the entire society irrespective of the nature of outlooks and thoughts.

He said that cooperation with the judiciary with an aim to improve judicial services and help establishment of a progressive judicial system is also among other major programs of Kargozaran in the 6th Majlis.

In reply to a question on the trial of abdollah Nouri, managing director of the daily Khordad, Marashi expressed the hope that the special court for the clergy would pay due attention to Nouri's revolutionary record and his family reputation as well as the degree of respect that people and political groups have for him.

He said, "we cannot accept that an offense at the level of the managing direct of a daily would lead to rejection of his qualification to run for the Majlis elections."

As for the alleged competition between Abdollah Nouri and Hashemi Rafsanjani for the presidency of the 6th Majlis, Marashi rejected the idea and said in case Hashemi decides to run for the election naturally no one would compete with him over the Majlis presidency.

Answering a question on the case of former Tehran mayor Gholamhussein Karbaschi who is spending his prison term on graft charges, Marashi said all the activities of secretary general of Kargozaran within the Tehran municipality have been legal.

Stressing that investigations made by former management of Tehran justice department in Karbaschi's case have been contrary to legal and judicial standards, Marashi said in case of reinvestigation, Karbaschi will be acquitted."

MP from Tehran Saeed Abutaleb: Way opened for private radio, TV

2005-01-04T20:35:00.000-08:00

Iran Mania News: "Way opened for private radio, TV

Friday, October 22, 2004 - ©2004 IranMania.com

LONDON, Oct 22 (IranMania) - The head of the Parliament's Cultural Commission, Emad Afrough has called for expressions of interest in establishing private radio and TV channels.

The Persian daily Hambastegi further quoted Afrough as saying that the parliamentary commission would study such applications. He called on the applicants to take note of Article 44 of the Constitution which states that radio and television should be state-run. "Therefore the constitutional restrictions on the establishment of private broadcasting networks should be lifted before any authorization is granted to the private sector to engage in such activities," he added.

The lawmaker set preconditions for the applicants saying that they should not pursue financial ambitions and basically their activities should be culturally oriented. "As long as the constitutional ban has not been repealed, private applications to establish radio and television stations would remain 'on hold'," he said.

"While the need to establish private radio and television may be felt strongly, overlooking the constitutional ban would have negative impact. Once the need for private broadcasting channels becomes indispensable, we should ask the Guardian Council to interpret the constitutional article. If the Guardian Council decide that the article does not need interpretation, there are other channels to change the article," he said.

Afrough said that if the applicants were serious about launching private radio and television stations, and the expert studies support the idea, the Majlis Cultural Commission would be ready to ask for the revision of the constitutional article.

Meanwhile, another member of the cultural commission, an MP from Tehran Saeed Abutaleb said that private radio and television would be acceptable, but the views of the governing system should be taken into account in running them. Abutaleb said that private radio and television should be supervised by the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting (IRIB) while the expenses should be provided by the private sector. "Of course, expert studies are necessary," he declared.

He said, "I do not think that the Constitution has banned private radio and television. Everyone can request for permission to set up private TV, but it is up to the IRIB to formulate a policy on this and the private sector should follow it.""

Netiran> Interview with Saeid Abutaleb, 134 Days after His Captivity

2005-01-04T20:23:00.000-08:00

Netiran>Articles>Politics>Foreign Affairs>An Interview with Saeid Abutaleb, 134 Days after His Captivity: "Date Added:Nov 24 2003 Print Version

An Interview with Saeid Abutaleb, 134 Days after His Captivity

Jam-e-Jam, Daily Newspaper, No. 1017, Nov. 22nd, 2003, Page 5
By : Mohammad Reza Rajabi Shakib
Word Count : 7548

Saeid Abutaleb, an Iranian journalist who had been in the captivity of the American troops in Iraq for 126 days, speaks about the illogical behaviors of the Americans in Iraq.
According to Abutaleb, in the camp he was kept, he had seen a large number of pilgrims who have been arrested and jailed at random by the American troops. For instance. they stopped a vehicle carrying relief supply to Iraq on its way back home and arrested its driver while allowing the second car to proceed. When the driver of the second car announced he was in company of the first car, they arrested him immediately.
Saeid Abutaleb

Introduction
It is not very difficult for me to write an introduction to the interview with Saeid Abutaleb because I have known him for years. Of course, it makes no difference now because every body knows Saeid Abutaleb and Soheil Karimi, the two documentaries of the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting (IRIB) who were taken captive by the American troops in Iraq and released 126 days later. This is exactly why I do not intend to write any introduction to this interview because it is useless repeating what have already been said and heard about Saeid Abutaleb over the past few months. The following interview conducted one week after release of Saeid Abutaleb and Soheil Karimi, contains new points which have never been mentioned before. This is an interview between two friends or I had better say between a student and his teachers. Mr. Abutaleb was teaching ... at my high school many years ago.

Q: Well, how was the life in Iraq?
A: I enjoyed myself.

Q: Really?
A: As a matter of fact, we were destined from the beginning to enter Iraq via Shalamcheh. It was somehow out of our control because we were initially supposed to enter Iraq via Mehran. Mehran us very close to the center of Iraq and from there we could easily travel to Baghdad and Karbala. In the middle of our trip, I suddenly insisted that we should go towards Shalamcheh. Perhaps I wanted to see the other side of Shalamcheh. I have seen this side of Shalamcheh several times. I have many stories to tell about war in Shalamcheh. We dedicated a large number of martyrs there. I would like very much to cross the embankments into the other side. However, it was a sudden decision.

Q: So, it was due to your decision that your programs were changed...
A: We changed our route. If we wanted to travel to Mehran we should have gone towards Kermanshah. We even proceeded as far as Kermanshah but we changed our direction towards the south. It was around midnight that we reached Khorramshahr. Later on, we entered Basra via Shalamcheh border region. We started our work and prepared our programs in Basra. We were willing to depart for Karbala as soon as possible. As a matter of fact, we were scheduled to go straight to Karbala and stayed there.

Q: Hadn't you been to Karbala before?
A: No. I would like very much to go there. of course, during the reign of Saddam Hussein, my family traveled there but I did not want to go at that time.

Q: You mean despite having the opportunity to go to Karbala, you refused to go there just because of the ruling regime of Saddam Hussein. Don't you?
A: Saddam (Hussein) was actually the one with whom we had fought. The man whom we had fought was the ruler of Iraq at that time. Moreover, where did the four million rial cash that the Iraq government took from every Iranian pilgrim go? How much on earth did the travel of each Iranian pilgrim to Karbala cost the Iraqi government? Let's change the topic.

Q: What you are saying is introduction. Do you want to say at last whether you had a good time there or not?
A: Yes. However, we reached Basra. We though we could stay for a few days there and then we would proceed towards Karbala. But our work lasted much longer than we had initially thought. Every time we decided to travel to Karbala, something happened, thus preventing us from going there. In short, it took 14 days for us to pack and depart for Karbala. Of course, we did many works during that period.

Q: What did you do?
A: We filmed many subjects from various aspects.

Q: Do you mean you had no pre-planned subject for filming and that you went there to see what would happen?
A: No. We had thought about general topics. Our main topic was the life of the Iraqi people after the war. It was the first time that TV cameras had been taken into Iraq without any control of the Saddam regime. All films taken already during the rule of the Baathist regime were restricted to holy Islamic places.

But this time we were after filming the Iraqi people who had been engaged in wars for years. The people of Basra had been engaged in war with Iran more than their fellow countrymen living elsewhere in the country. We wanted to approach this people and see for ourselves their life and homes. We would like them to tell us about war years, about the calamities they had been exposed to by Saddam Hussein and about their situation during Iraq-U.S. war.

Q: Were you after this alone or there were something else? There are some speculations that when the Americans arrested you they thought you were doing something else under cover of film making.
A: No we had no other objective but to make a documentary film.

Q: Do you want to frankly say there was no secret goal behind your trip to Iraq and you can say everything about it now?
A: It is very good that you are talking so frankly. There was no secret point behind our travel to Iraq. As a matter of fact our work had nothing to do wit what you are thinking of. We had gone there to make a documentary serial for the Channel Two. The serial consisted of 13 30-minute parts. Our schedule was clear and we had forms showing the subjects we had to investigate to see whether we could make a film about them. The American officers interrogating us constantly asked questions about these forms.

Q: What are the subjects you are taking about?
A: For example, one of these subjects was extension of relief assistance to the Iraqi people by the Iranian nation. After the war, they (Iraqi people) had even no water to drink during the hot summer time. We wanted to see for ourselves how the Iraqi people behaved Iranians including us. The Iran-Iraq border had been closed until a few months ago and we had the experience of a lengthy war between the two countries. The Iranian people have forgotten the past and are now sending relief supplies to the Iraqi people. We wanted to see how the Iraqi people's approach to the relief aid was or whether they accept them or not. Of course, it was the Iranian people and not the Iraqi people that have shown forgiveness because Iraq had initiated the war on Iran. This was very beautiful.

Q: Excuse my interruption. Let's go back to Shalamcheh and the adventure you had there. I really want to hear you answer to my question as to whether you had a good time there. Another point is that as you said you had no other objective by to make documentary films in Iraq. Didn't you happen to exceed your limits while making documentary films? In other words, didn't you take any provocative measures that caused the Americans to arrest you?
A: I have no idea. As you know, I and Mr. Karimi were detained while our cameras were in our hands and our journalistic cards were hanging over our shirts. There was nothing except filming equipment in our car and we were doing nothing but filming. As you said we might probably have done something that was unpleasant to the Americans, well I think we had certainly done something that the Americans did not like.

Q: Which parts of Iraq did you film?
A: We filmed the life and homes of the Iraqi people. As you know, we are documentary film makers. We turn on the camera and film every thing that appears before the camera. We speak to people and record it. I ask the Iraqi people whether they like the Americans or not and they say no. What people answer has nothing to do with me. I do not tell them to say they should like the Americans.

They might say they liked the Americans and in that case it had nothing to do with me.

Q: You were not the only reporters dispatched to Iraq. Why did they arrest you?
A: First of all, who says they did nothing against others. They killed a Reuter's reporter and then said it was a mistake, just as they arrested us and said later it was a mistake. Moreover, unlike other reporters we did not go to Baghdad to say at a hotel. We entered Iraq via a border crossing which was far away from Baghdad. We did no even stay in the city of Basra. We went to villages around Basra like Al-Qornia and Al-Amara. There was no military zone at all in that region. This means that their claim that we had filmed a military area was unfounded. There were no American troops there. In that region, there were British troops who were inside Basra. This is reality that the Americans did not like our films and this does not matter at all. Neither they should detain us because we were not making films that they did not like, nor should we necessarily make a film that was appealing to them. I am responsible for what appears before my camera. The outcome of our work might have been something they liked. We were merely filming. We visited injured children at Basra hospital. I asked one of them what had happened to him and he said in reply that they had been bombed by the Americans. I asked him where his home was and he gave the address of his home. I asked if there was a military garrison near his home and he gave a negative response. I asked why the Americans had bombed there and he responded he did not know. His answers had nothing to do with me because I was reviewing an accident. I asked a rural old woman, a teacher or a student what calamities had befallen them during Saddam's rule. They answered they suffered a lot but that he has been toppled. They said they were suffering from those who have replaced Saddam. They said when Saddam was in power they had access to drinking water and enjoyed security but we have none of them now. I have nothing to do with what they answer because I am making a documentary film.

Q: These all mean that the Americans arrested you because they did not like the film you were making. Is this right?
A: As you know, the Americans arrested us 16 or 17 days after our entry into Iraq and two or three days after being stationed in Karbala. In other words, we were detained two or three days after our entry into the zone of influence of the American troops. Did the Americans keep an eye on us from the beginning? It might be so. Did the British keep an eye on us or did they report our arrival at Karbala to the Americans? Did the British allow the Americans to arrest us because they did not want their country's relations with Iran to be strained? Did Iraqi informers report to the Americans that we were allegedly making a film against them? I do not know. I say the film we were making might an anti-U.S. film but this did not provide them with a good reason to arrest us. The Americans themselves make films against their army. It is not such that every body who makes a film can be arrested by another person who does not like the film.

Q: Didn't you have accomplices? In other words, weren't there any other groups of cameramen doing something similar to yours?
A: Yes. We saw cameramen in Samarra, but I do not know whether they were journalists or documentary film makers. They were in the same hotel where we stayed for one night.

Q: What were their nationalities?
A: I do not know. Perhaps some of them were Europeans and some others looked like Japanese. We stayed at that hotel only for one night. I only saw the word 'TV' inscribed on their car. Perhaps, they, like us, were making films for television. I did not find any opportunity to speak to them.

Q: Well, in my opinion it is not justifiable that you had been captured and kept for four months on charges of making films. You may say I am stubborn but I cannot help thinking about it because it is the most ambiguous part of the issue.
A: As you know, we were arrested by the Americans while filming. Apparently, as soon as they saw us filming, they became suspicious of us and then they detained us. This is what they had told us later several times. This was said again by the American officer who was interrogating us until four or five days before our release. What is interesting is that he (the American officer) said it was not an interrogation but a friendly chat and that we were free to give or not to give response to his questions. We told him that they had done whatever they wished against us over the past four months and now we were under their captivity while you said it was a friendly chat. As a matter of fact, we did not dislike our interrogation because even for a few minutes we were let out of that hellish prison and stay in the interrogation room which was cool.

Q: So you had a good time at least during interrogation. Didn't you?
A: Yes. However, what the officer was telling us was that a mistake had been made. He blamed the mistake on the soldier who had arrested us or this or that officer who had issued our arrest warrant. He said those who had arrested you by mistake could not free you so easily because our release order should have come from Washington.

Q: Do you want to say they had told you to forgive them because a mistake had been made after a four month delay?
A: I, too, told them that what they said was not justifiable. A mistake can be corrected after a few seconds, a few hours or a few days. Suppose that those American marines who beat and tortured us for the first few days after our arrest were mistaken or that military police detained us by mistake and handed over us to the U.S. marines or they brought us to Baghdad where they apologized for the mistake, then they should have released us. They have a disciplined system, they have computers and it is known who we are and where is our country of origin. They kept us for four months and now they are saying there has been a mistake. Of course, the theory of mistake is what they were trying to make us believe.

Q: Well, there had to be an excuse for the mistake. What on earth had you done that caused them to make such a mistake?
A: We were arrested while filming a check point. We had already got a permission. Later on, they exactly told us that the soldier who had allowed us to film the check point either immediately understood that he was not authorized to give such a permission or realized that he should not have given the permission and therefore he arrested us.

Q: What exactly were you filming at the check point when you were detained?
A: We were filming people. We were standing at the same check point because it was secure. We could not stand in the middle of the street to film people crossing the check point. It was nearly dusk and the city was insecure. We were standing at the same check point. We exchanged greetings with the soldiers manning the check point and got permission for filming. After making necessary coordination, they gave us the O.K.

Q: Do you mean you were half way through your work when they came and arrested you?
A: They came forward, seized our cameras and then arrested us without giving any explanation. In other words, they did not initially tell us not to film, nor did anybody caution us against filming. Mr. Karimi was arrested by the same soldier who had given us the permission for filming.

Q: At last, I did not understand why did they arrest you?
A: We did not understand the reasons for our arrest either. Two hours after our detention, when I asked them why they had detained us they replied that they were sorry and that it was not an important matter. They also said they just wanted to check our documents. They told us that we would go to Divaniya where we would be freed. But later on, the took us to Divaniya and handed us over to the U.S. marines. We were kept in Divaniya for seven to eight days. No body answered out questions or gave any explanations. They only beat us up.

Q: You were beaten up. Why?
A: In Divaniya, I and Soheil were together on the first two days. We were kept inside a small room, handcuffed. No body did give reply to our questions. During the first two days, no body did us any harm. There war a cooler in the room and we had beds. We were in bad psychological conditions. We were worried because they had arrested us and no one had heard anything about us, neither our families nor our colleagues. They had confiscated our cameras as well as our documents. We did not know who the hell they were or why they had arrested us.

In short, the two days passed by but on the third day everything changed. They suddenly attacked us, beating us up and dragging us out of the room. We were blindfolded and our hands were tied from behind. They constantly threatened us with death.

Q: Do you mean their behaviors changed all of a sudden?
A: Yes exactly. I was sitting near Soheil when a soldier came forward and pointed at me to step forward. He then showed a gesture of slashing throat with his fingers to show me that my days were numbered. At that moment, I was sure that they would kill us by a firing squad. They armed their weapons and stood behind us for a while, forcing us to stand in the same position.

Q: Didn't you guess what was going on at that time? In other words what had caused them to go to the extremes?
A: Nothing. As a matter of fact there was no time for thinking.

Q: What did happen later?
A: I was separated from Soheil from that night onwards. I were handcuffed and blindfolded when Soheil left me. In the morning when I opened my eyes I realized that Soheil had gone. There was me and our driver who was a quite indifferent and neutral man. He did not speak at all and spent most of his time lying at the corner of the room.

Q: Was the driver an Iraqi native?
A: Yes. We found him in Basra. He was with us wherever we were taken to the last day.

Q: What happened later? In think we are nearing the interesting parts of the story. I think it is the time when you were enjoying yourself. Isn't it?
A: We were under psychological pressure until then. But later on physical pressure was added to it. My hands were tied from behind which was very agonizing and painful. They were ties very tightly. They used plastic handcuffs. I was handcuffed so tightly that blood could hardly flow in the veins of my arms. There were bruises on my hands. I was also blindfolded and thus could not
see anything. I did not recognize where I was. From that night onwards, I was forced to stand up and they did not allow my to sit down any longer.

Q: What do you mean?
A: What I mean is that I had no right to sit down and if I did so they beat me up immediately.

Q: Do you want to say that there was a person watching you all the time?
A: I was watched by three persons, two of them standing beside me and the other aiming his rifle at me.

Q: How long were you under such conditions?
A: From Friday to Wednesday.

Q: Do you mean you had been forced to stand up for five consecutive days?
A: Yes. For the whole five days and five nights they did not allow me to sit or sleep while standing up or lean against the wall. There was a cooler in the room which they turned off from that night onwards. I was also deprived of drinking water. On the first night, they gave me a pack of food which I refused to eat. They threw the same pack at me next night. It was inside a yellow plastic vessel around which the words 'from the people of the United States to the people of Iraq' could be seen.

Q: How is it possible for one to stand up for five consecutive days? This will finally exhaust his power...
A: Sometimes I found myself lying on the ground after fainting. In those cases, they poured water on my face to make me conscious. As soon as I opened my eyes, I saw those making noises over my head, insulting me and kicking me in order to prevent me from falling asleep.

Q: They did not give you food or water. Did they?
A: There was no food. As a matter of fact, under those conditions, I did not feel hungry at all but I badly felt thirsty. They drank water from 1.5 liter Jerry cans. When I asked for water, the American soldier who was on guard went out to fetch me a bottle of water from a water tank if he felt pity for me or he so wished. The water tank located in the open air was usually used by the American troops for bathing. It was made of iron and the water kept inside it was really hot. When they brought me a bottle of water from the tank it was like hot tea. I drank some of it and put the rest aside to get cold. However, an American officer entered the room every few hours and kicked the bottle onto the ground.

Q: Would you mind if I asked how did you go to lavatory?
A: Sometimes when I wanted them to let me go to lavatory outside the room, the guard on duty allowed me to go out if he wished to do so and sometimes he did not let me leave the room. When I said I needed water to wash myself, sometimes I was allowed to take water and sometimes I was not depending on the mood of the guard who was on duty on that day. During the five days, I tried to make similar demands very often in order to go out and find out what time it was. When I was locked inside the room, it was impossible for me to know how the time was passing by.

Q: What are you saying is tantamount to torture in the strictest sense of the word? Did you ever think that one day you might be taken captive by the American troops under such circumstances?
A: I did not even dream it. There is a time when you are interrogated at two o'clock in the morning and are exposed to all types of harassment and persecution but you are finally allowed to return to your cell. But for me in the said five day period, lying on a solid surface had become a dream. I wished I had been able to lie somewhere or put my head on the ground.

Q: Well, didn't you answer their questions or cooperate with them?
A: I completely cooperated with them. None of their questions did ever remain unanswered by me. I even provided them with such information as my home telephone number, my child's name, my e-mail address, how I got married, and the model of the car in which we traveled from Tehran to the border region, what was its license plate or to whom it belonged and so on. They asked me every question you can imagine and I replied to all of them.

Q: What the hell did they want from you? Didn't you protest against your situation during interrogation?
A: The officer interrogating me told me that I did not have a friendly attitude towards them. I answered that what kind of cooperation I did not have with them. I answered all questions they might have in mind. Again he said that I did not have a friendly attitude towards them.

Q: What did happen after those five days? When did you go later?
A: Now I have begun to speak about those five days, let me tell you everything pertaining to those days.

Q: Is it not over yet?
A: The guards watching me came to me whenever their shift was over and began to mimic me. They used to call me Ali Baba, a reference to the legendary character of the book Ali Baba and Thieves of Baghdad. At first I replied to them by saying that I am journalist of the Iranian radio and TV organization. They were all impolite, illogical and completely aggressive. Once I was looking at the wall when the guard told me not to look at him. I bent my neck and began to look at the ground. He suddenly shouted at me and told me to raise my head and stand facing the wall. When I did so, he walked past me and hit my head against the wall. This situation continued for 10-20 minutes and every time he approached me he either kicked my legs or poured water into my face, ears and eyes. Sometimes they attacked me in group, beating me up until I fainted.

Q: On the first day when you entered Iraq you had a negative approach towards the Americans. They arrested, took you captive for 126 days and persecuted you. Now if I ask you what is your feeling towards the Americans now...
A: It is not so at all.

Q: Do you mean you had not negative attitude towards the Americans?
A: No. Our relations with the Americans had been good before they detained us.

Q: I did not mean you relations with the Americans. I actually meant the mentality you had towards the Americans.
A: Well, all men have a kind of mentality towards one another.

Q: Has your mentality not changed after your captivity in Iraq?
A: Not very much. I already knew something but my knowledge was based on what I heard. But during my captivity I saw for myself what I have heard about Americans. For instance, the Americans tell lies, accuse others, have an aggressive nature, do not accept logics and recognize nobody but themselves and so on. These are what I saw for myself in Iraq. But I came to know this after my captivity.

Q: Iranian pilgrims who usually travel to Karbala do not usually complain about violent behavior of the American troops towards them and even the majority of them speak of their good behavior. What is your opinion?
A: As they say they were not mistreated by the Americans. That is right because they could not have any other behavior towards you when you cross the check points once or twice a day. Well when the Americans see a person crossing the check point along with his wife and children they cannot do him any harm. Given that one hundred thousands people cross the check points every day, the Americans cannot harass all of them. Nonetheless, the Americans have detained a large number of innocent people including many drivers who had brought relief assistance to Iraq. America does whatever it wishes to do in Iraq. Perhaps, it is not willing to harass Iranian pilgrims for the time being because it knows pilgrims come to Iraq from Iran and then get back home. But this does not mean that its behavior is good. When asked what did they mean by saying that Americans' behavior was good, the pilgrims usually answer that they (American troops) did not do them any harm. Yes they are right because when you cross into, for instance, Divaniya without being stopped and harassed by the American troops, this will make you so happy that you think you were treated well. However, this does not mean good treatment. In the camp where I was kept, I say many pilgrims who had been detained by the Americans without any reasons. Among them were drivers who had carried relief aid into Iraq but were later stopped and arrested on their way back home. For instance, they stopped a car on the road and asked the next car to pass by. But when the passengers of the second car explained that one of their family members were in the first car, they were stopped and detained too. I personally saw these people who had been jailed without any reason.

Q: Did you see people similar to whom you are speaking about in Baghdad?
A: Yes.

Q: In prison?
A: We were not kept in a prison as you might think. It was a large tent without any walls. It was like a shade surrounded by barbed wire fences. We were in these camps. Every day, large groups of people entered or left the camp. Every body who arrived at the camp had a number. My number was 11,554. In other words, 11,553 people had already arrived there before me. Most of the jailed Iraqis stayed at the camp for a short period of time, for instance, two days, three days, one week or two weeks. Only a few of them remained in the camp for a long time like us. We were there for around 40 days. On some days, there were between 170 to 180 people in the camp who had to stay inside the tent. There were not enough rooms inside the tent for sleeping, standing or even sitting. We had to stay outdoors under the scorching sunlight in the summer. There were no facilities in the so-called camp. There was only a tent with a plastic floor covering. There was a pit outside the tent which was two meters deep used as a lavatory. One had to bathe with the same water he received for drinking.

Q: What kind of people were jailed in the camp? In other words on what charges were they jailed by the Americans?
A: There were people from various walks of life including ministers of the former regime. I personally saw the former Iraqi minister of commerce whom others knew and show to one another. There were also religious scholars. It may be interesting to mention that there was a huge loudspeaker beside the camp through which they read the camp regulations several times a day. They also broadcast Arabic music from morning till noon. Our camp was adjacent to the Baghdad airport. We could hear the sound of helicopter and airplanes landing at and taking off from the airport every day. In other words, the camp was totally intolerable. Besides lack of water, hot weather, noise and dust there were sand storms. In order to protect ourselves against the sand storms, we had no alternative but to take off our shirts in order to cover our heads. Most of the Iraqis stayed in the camps for two or three days and then left it. The situation there so intolerable and terrible that sometimes we wished we had died. Amid all these hardships, we were taking for interrogation which was sometimes very strange.

Q: What do you mean by strange interrogation?
A: I mean they asked me strange questions that had nothing to do with me and I knew nothing about them.

Q: Did they ask questions regarding political tendencies in Iran?
A: For instance, they questioned about the events taking place in Tehran on July 9, 2003. I said in reply that at that time I was not in Tehran and was in Iraq as they knew.

Q: Did their interrogations follow certain line or consisted of a series of irrelevant questions?
A: There questions covered a wide spectrum of subjects ranging from cinema actors and actresses and copy right to the Badr Corps and other things.

Q: So what? What did they really want to elicit from you?
A: We were journalists and they knew this very well. They intended to solve many of their problems through us. In their opinion, we were not ordinary individuals. Sometimes they asked me certain questions and when they hear me giving a negative reply they said how it was possible for me not to know the answer to their questions. For instance, an interrogator asked how the Iranian youth spent their leisure time. Can you believe this? The same interrogator always raised questions of this type. In reply I said they (Iranian youth) did many things to spend their leisure time such as entertainment and sports. He asked "Do they go to the cinema?" I replied "seldom". He asked "Why?" I answered they watched films on CDs at home because they were much cheaper than cinema tickets. He asked "Why?" I said in reply that because there is no copy right law in Iran. Then he asked some questions about copy rights. He also asked other questions such as how the youth got married in Iran and what was the number of jobless people in the country.

Q: Could you refuse to give a reply to their questions?
A: No. In some cases I sufficed to say I did not know. However, interrogation sessions provided us with good conditions. There was a room with cooler and cold water. In other words, it helped us get rid of hot weather and association with those guys at least temporarily.

Q: Did you hear anything about Iran or that the country was following up you case during your captivity?
A: The first news I heard about Iran was that our case was being followed up (by Iranian officials). I heard the news from an Iranian who had been arrested and brought to the adjacent camp. There was a place near the lavatory near the barbed-wired fence from which one could speak to other persons standing on the other side of the fence in the adjacent camp. One day, he, who had thought I looked like Iranians, asked if I was an Iranian citizen. I replied yes and then introduced myself. He said that he had already seen my name and that of my friends as well as our pictures in Jam-e Jam daily. He inquired about the whereabouts of my friend and I answered I did not know by I guessed he must have been kept in one these camps.

Q: During your captivity, you got to know finally that they (Iranian officials) were after your release. What was your feeling towards the issue at that moment? For instance, didn't you think that you might face the same destiny as the hostages.....?
A: Well, this was always in our mind given tat the Americans often threatened us that we would be released in the next 20 years and so on. This was a possibility we could never rule out even until the day we were freed.

Q: Do you mean you had prepared yourself for such a probability?
A: Yes. We were taken from Baghdad to Umm Qasr where I made a planning for a long term stay there. I had to have a program for spending my time because the situation did not suggest that we should wait for our freedom

Q: Was your situation in Umm Qasr better than in Baghdad?
A: It was much better.

Q: Did they provide you with books, newspapers and magazines in Umm Qasr?
A: No, not at all. I said I was in a better situation but did not say it was ideal.

Q: Did the representative of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) meet you there?
A: When I was in Baghdad, they came for inspection of the whole camp. They took a look at various parts of the camp and spoke to a few persons. But I was pretty sure that they had come there to meet us. They had a form which they wanted to fill up after questioning me. I told that I knew English and asked them to let me to fill it up myself. They allowed me to fill up the form by my own handwriting. Later when my family saw the form they because confident that I was alive and that ICRC representatives had met me.

Q: So, you feeling was different from that of your family here who were worried about the low pace of diplomatic efforts aimed at securing your release. Is it true?
A: The problem was that we had gone missing from the beginning without leaving any trace from ourselves. It was not knows what had happened to us or whether we had had an accident. No body knew our fate or our whereabouts for a long time. Following the measures taken by the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting the Foreign Ministry, it was made knows that we had been taken captive by the American troops. Most of these concerns was related to the period when no body knew anything about our fate or whereabouts.

Q: Now that you have released and the issue has come to an end favorably, do you think that those following up your case have fulfilled their duty well?
A: I do not know. It is not me that should answer this question. However, we have been released and no need to say that great efforts have been made to secure our freedom. What is important is our freedom.

Q: Don't you really care about anything now?
A: At present, two things are important to me. One is the release of 54 Iranians who had been jailed with me in Umm Qasr. I am certain that there are other people in prisons in other parts of Iraq. Many families are now calling on me to inquire about the fate of their missing family members such as brothers, fathers or sons. It is very important for me that the case of these Iranians be pursued. The other important matter for me is that the issue of our detention should be pursued from legal point of view. We should be able to bring the Americans to justice for their harsh behavior towards us. We must lodge a complaint with an international tribunal against the Americans who had detained us and kept us under such deplorable conditions without any evidence or proofs. The first benefit of such a legal action is that we will help provide security for journalists. I have told this to foreign reporters. I have told them that I intend to return to Iraq and asked them to cover its related news. This is good for all reporters. That I want to go back to a place where I had been treated so harshly will show that a report's will cannot be defeated by a military power.

Q: Can you return to Iraq? Haven't you been deported from that country?
A: No. They released us. I have my release writ with me. We were not deported but released and they returned to Iran.

Q: Do you really hope to be able to follow up the case legally? The Reuters report was killed and no body could pursue the case. Don't you think the world is not a place good enough to pursue such cases?
A: I have no idea. Our case is different from his case (case of the slain Reuters reporter). In his case, they claim to have made a mistake. But they kept us for four months. I think our case can somehow be pursued from certain points of view. I do not care who had sent me to Iraq. I went there to make a film but the Americans ruined everything.

Q: Of course, your issue has long turned into a national one. Therefore, it is not logical for you to pursue the issue personally.
A: I have no idea. Some people think that the issue must be followed up personally. I, took, think I must pursue the issue by myself.

Q: Well, this is my last question although I am aware it is not easy for you to reply to it. I do not know whether you have every come across this question or not. Is there any difference between Saeed Abutaleb who went to Iran and Saeed Abutaleb who returned home after five months? Is there any difference at all?
A: I do not know. In only know that I am different from the past but I had no idea what has happened to me. Can you imagine what might happen to a person and his mind who had been threatened with death for two weeks? I do not yet know exactly what impacts the four month detention had on my behavior and spirit. But I am certain I have undergone drastic transformations. I am now indifferent towards many things. During the four month period, we lived with least facilities. Now I realize that one can live on nothing and survive and even enjoy oneself. This is one side of the coin. The other side is that other men's expectations from men have changed now. I think the people around me now look at me in a different manner. When I walks on streets everybody greets me.

Q: So you have become famous? Haven't you?
A: This is very agonizing. Yesterday, I went to the University for Talks with students. I was very happy. I have not gone there for many years and it reminded me of the time when I was a college student. I was warmly welcomed. I do not know why I made repetitive remarks. It was useless. This time my audience was carefully listening when I spoke. After my speech they surrounded me and take photos with me. Some of them even asked for my signature. This made me feel ashamed because I was neither an actor not a football player to give my signature to others. What is the use of my signature for them? I do not really know what all these things are about. I am afraid to speak in this manner but to me all these things are ridiculous.

Q: This will finally be over in one or two weeks. What do you think you can get from all these events? Some think that you can finally take advantage of this opportunity.
A: I do not think so. If I become a better documentary film maker, this will be the best way I can benefit from this situation. This is what people expect me to do now. They now expect me to make strange documentary films. I no longer dare to make the same films that I made in the past. This has made my duty more difficult compared to the past though such a difficult task is not bad in itself. Repetition is the main problem facing those making TV programs.

Q: That is all? Do you want to remain a documentary film maker for ever?
A: Not for good. I have thought of making feature films. I have always been longing for making a feature film about the liberation of (southern port city of) Khorramshahr. One who learns to make good documentary films can learn cinema well. This is why I have chosen this profession.

Q: Aren't you going to make a feature film about what has happened to you?
A: I am not sure. Maybe I will do it one day."

filmmaker Saeed Abutaleb: Return of Veteran Actors Opposed

2005-01-04T20:18:00.000-08:00

Iran Daily: "Return of Veteran Actors Opposed

TEHRAN, Nov. 7--Member of Parliament and filmmaker Saeed Abutaleb has said that the return of old actors to the screens will not be useful noting that such a cast has nothing new to offer to the moviegoers.
Modern cinema, he observed, has witnessed dramatic changes in techniques, form and content. "Veteran actors may have been successful in the prime of their careers, but, after 30 years, their films will not be appreciated by the audience," he added.
"In the years following the victory of the Islamic Revolution, Iranian cinema industry has seen the rise of famous stars who have been successful in international festivals."
He said that veteran actors could not keep up with the standards of their counterparts who Iranian cinema has trained in the past two decades. The objectives of those advocating the use of old actors are not clear, he said.
Abutaleb, who directed the films 'Aids', 'Dance of Poverty' and documentaries of 'Winter 79', 'But, Love' and the 'Blue Life of the Persian Gulf', said that the return of old actors to the screen is not justified."

Saeed Abutaleb Majlis Representative from Tehran

2005-01-04T19:55:00.000-08:00

Netiran>Articles>Politics>Parliament>Who Represents Tehran in Majlis?: "Saeed Abutaleb never thought to start a year of turns and twists in March 2003. A chemistry teacher, Abutaleb shot documentaries for the state-run television. Abutaleb was captured by American troops in Iraq where he was filming. The Foreign Ministry left no stones unturned to secure the release of Abutaleb and his colleague Soheil Karimi. The duo was shooting "The Mirage of Legendary Land" in Iraq. The documentary will definitely be a blockbuster in the country. "

Former Foreign Minister Ali Akbar Velayati’s appointment to Ahlul Bayt

2005-01-04T04:55:00.000-08:00

IranExpert:Why does Khamenei co-opt Iraqi Shiite oppositionists?: "18 March By Ali Nourizadeh Daily Star

Why does Khamenei co-opt Iraqi Shiite oppositionists?

It’s nearly five months since Iran’s supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei cashiered his senior adviser, former Foreign Minister Ali Akbar Velayati. Up to last Oct. 16, Velayati played an influential role in planning and running Iranian foreign policy. It was Velayati who at least twice undermined President Mohammad Khatami’s efforts to normalize relations with Egypt. He was also responsible for making sure that efforts to reduce tensions between Iran and the United States came to nothing.

(In September 1998, and on Velayati’s advice, Khamenei ordered Khatami not to have his picture taken with former US President Bill Clinton at the UN headquarters in New York. Clinton had listened to the Iranian president speak, and then waited 20 minutes to shake his hand. But Khatami, having received orders from Tehran, left the UN headquarters without meeting with the American president).

Until his dismissal, Velayati was also secretary-general of the Ahlul Bayt World Assembly, one of the most important Iranian institutions, supervised directly by Khamenei. It has to be said though that Velayati’s appointment to Ahlul Bayt more than three years ago was a major surprise in its own right. Since its inception, Ahlul Bayt a religious institution was always headed by clerics. Velayati’s predecessor, Hojjatoleslam Ali Mohammed Taskhiri, was an Iraqi Shiite cleric who had been deported to Iran in the 1980s. Taskhiri’s mother tongue was thus Arabic, and he was well versed in the history and heritage of the Ahlul Bayt (the descendents of the Prophet Mohammed).

Velayati, on the other hand, was a pediatrician-turned-politician, who ran Iran’s foreign service for more than 16 years. His knowledge of Arabic and Islamic jurisprudence, though, was modest to say the least. In fact, his expertise in these fields did not exceed those of Iranian high school students, who usually duck these boring subjects.

During the three years Ahlul Bayt was under Velayati’s control, it failed to advance a single step toward fulfilling its objectives (among the institution’s goals are advancing the Shiite cause around the world, and holding conferences and seminars arguing the justice of the Shiite cause). During Velayati’s tenure, dozens of Shiite missionaries who had been dispatched to various locations in Africa and Latin America to spread the word returned to Iran either voluntarily or forcibly.

Even Azerbaijan, the world’s only Shiite state besides Iran, refused to renew the visas of Ahlul Bayt advocates operating in the country. South Africa, Ghana, Nigeria, Thailand, Singapore, and a number of Central Asian republics all asked Ahlul Bayt campaigners to leave. Under Velayati moreover, Ahlul Bayt failed to publish any remarkable books and periodicals.

Nevertheless, Velayati was not deposed because of negligence. There were other reasons for the supreme leader’s decision to do without his senior adviser and replace him with an Iraqi who had until his appointment on Oct. 16 been leading Ad-Daawa, a Shiite opposition movement to the Baghdad regime.

Ad-Daawa is a militant Shiite opposition movement famous for its daring armed attacks against the Baathist Iraqi regime. One of its most audacious exploits was the attempt on the life of Udai, Saddam Hussein’s eldest son, in 1997. The Ad-Daawa unit that carried out that attack (which only succeeded in injuring Udai) managed to slip out of Iraq undetected and its members have been living in Iran since.

The appointment of Sheikh Mohammed Mahdi Asefi as secretary general of Ahlul Bayt was a surprise to the Iranian regime and the Tehran-based Iraqi Shiite opposition not to mention ordinary Iranians, who saw it as another sign of Khamenei’s lack of confidence in the Iranian clergy, and proof of his increasing reliance on Shiite Iraqi deportees of Iranian descent.

A glance at the number of Iraqis and Iraqi deportees holding senior positions in Iran reinforces the belief that Khamenei trusts them more than he does others including Iranians.

The head of the Iranian judiciary, Mahmoud Hashemi Shahroudi, for example, was the first leader of the Iraqi opposition group known as the Supreme Assembly for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq (SAIRI). SAIRI is the largest Iraqi Shiite organization, boasting a 10,000-strong militia that goes under the name of the Badr Brigades.

Prosecutor General Ayatollah Abdolnabi Namazi is another Shiite cleric deported to Iran by the Iraqi authorities. So was Ali Mohammad Taskhiri, Velayati’s predecessor at the Ahlul Bayt foundation. Taskhiri currently sits on the powerful Council of Experts; he also holds eight other posts in the Iranian regime.

Another Iraqi deportee is General Mohammed Reza Shams (aka Naqdi), former head of intelligence and security for the national police force and currently a senior intelligence officer with the Iranian General Staff.

In addition, many of Khamenei’s representatives overseas and a large number of heads of Iranian cultural missions in foreign countries are former Iraqi opposition figures who left their original calling after being appointed to posts in the Iranian government on the orders of the supreme leader.

Moreover, it is rumored in Iran that the current leader of the Iraqi Shiite opposition, Ayatollah Mohammed Baqer al-Hakim, will soon be appointed head of the Islamic Advocacy organization. With all his senior opponents turning into Iranian government apparatchiks, Saddam Hussein can rest easy.

Whether Hakim joins the ranks of Shahrudi, Taskhiri, Asefi et al, it is a fact that the integration of these Iraqis into the Iranian establishment will strengthen the Iraqi regime, especially among the Shiites of Iraq.

Since SAIRI was founded, it was seen by Baghdad as a non-Iraqi organization controlled by Tehran. It has to be said that SAIRI committed a series of grave errors that seriously eroded its credibility among the Shiites of Iraq.

SAIRI is still committing such errors. A simple comparison between Mujahid, the journal published by the Iraq-based Iranian opposition Mujahideen-e-Khalq organization, and Badr, the organ of SAIRI’s Badr Brigades, shows that despite being under the control of Iraqi intelligence, the Mujahideen still enjoy more freedom than Badr. There are no portraits or news of Saddam Hussein or of Iraq in Mujahid. The journal does not even mention Iraq-Iran relations or the imminent US war on Iraq.

Badr, on the other hand, always prints portraits of Khamenei on its front page, together with quotes from his latest speeches. In addition, the paper usually features news about the latest visits by Khamenei’s representative Hojjatoleslam Ahmed Saleq to Badr camps.

Moreover, graduates of Badr training courses receive their degrees from Khamenei’s representatives. According to Badr, the brigade’s commander is periodically “honored” to meet with “the Guardian of all the World’s Muslims” (as Badr calls Khamenei) to inform him of his men’s exploits against the minions of the “infidel Baathist regime,” and receive the supreme leader’s instructions.

It goes without saying that none of Badr’s columnists and reporters has ever had the courage to ask Khamenei about the frequent visits to Iran by senior Iraqi government officials officials of a regime that the paper itself brands as infidel and atheist.

The responsibilities associated with running a large institution like the Ahlul Bayt will not leave Asefi much time for opposition work. Chances are he will not even be able to lead Ad-Daawa on a part-time basis. In fact, there are those who say that the policy of appointing Iraqi Shiite opposition leaders in senior government and clerical positions in Iran is one of the main reasons why Baghdad is pleased with the Iranian government.

Thanks to this policy, all Iraqi Shiites living in Iran have gradually become Iranian citizens. The yellowed Iranian birth certificates (issued by Iranian consulates in Karbala and other Iraqi cities) of Shahrudi, Asefi, Taskhiri, Namazi and Naqdi bear witness to the fact that those Shiites who dream of ruling Iraq one day are more Iranian than Iraqi."

Moderation and Development Party (Hizb-i Ettedal va Toseh)

2005-01-02T18:47:00.000-08:00

DCPersian.com - New Parties and Coalitions Emerge Before Elections: "Moderation and Development Party (Hizb-i Ettedal va Toseh). Mohammad Baqer Nobakht is the secretary-general of this politically pragmatic party, which held its first congress in 2002. Spokesman Gholamali Dehqan announced on 11 February that the party has put together a list of candidates it backs in the parliamentary elections, ISNA reported. These candidates are drawn from the Islamic Society of University Staff, the Militant Clerics Association, and a coalition of independent groups, he said. Some of the better-known names on the list are parliamentarians Hojatoleslam Mehdi Karrubi, Gholamali Haddad-Adel, Hojatoleslam Majid Ansari, and Alireza Mahjub, as well as Hojatoleslam Taha Hashemi, who runs 'Entekhab' newspaper.

Karrubi met with this party on 14 February, IRNA reported, and he criticized the absence of other parties from the elections. 'Democratic elections need competition,' he said. "

BBC NEWS | Who's Who in Iran - Ayatollah Shahrudi

2005-01-02T11:55:00.000-08:00

BBC NEWS | World | Middle East | Who's Who in Iran: "Ayatollah Mahmoud Hashemi-Shahrudi

Ayatollah Shahrudi is head of the judiciary and close to both the president and the supreme leader.
He has promised to co-operate with President Khatami in reforming the judiciary. However, he was appointed to the post by Ayatollah Khamenei, whom he advises on religious matters.

Ayatollah Shahrudi, 52, has already removed a number of hardliners from the judiciary.

He is broad-minded and relatively untouched by the factionalism which affects the ruling clerics in Tehran."

Khatami drops Velayati from Cabinet - 1997

2005-01-01T20:29:00.000-08:00

Khatami drops Velayati from Cabinet: "Khatami drops Velayati from Cabinet
PRESS TRUST OF INDIA
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

ÎDUBAI, Aug 13: Ali Akbar Velayati, former Foreign Minister of Iran, who dominated Iran's Foreign Affairs for the last 16 years has been dropped from the Cabinet by new President Mohammed Khatami.

Khatami has opted for a change with caution in naming the 22 Ministers in a letter presented to the 270-member Parliament, which will debate the nominations from next Tuesday and give its final decision the day after.

Iran's Ambassador to the United Nations (UN) Kamal Kharrazi, a technocrat who had his higher education in the United States (US) has replaced Velayati, apparently in the hope he would help to mend ties with the US.

The Cabinet also named Ataollah Mohajerani as the Minister for Culture and Islamic Guidance which oversees media and films.

Mohajerani, former Vice-President, came under fire three years ago for advocating direct talks with Washington, which once called Iran a `rogue state' for allegedly backing terrorism, a charge Tehran has always denied.

Iran's foreign policy, however, has been laid down by the supreme leader Ayatollah Khamenei, who has not favoured any improvement in the relations with Washington.

Velayati has not been completely sidelined as he has been named as a member of the Guidance Council, a key decision-making outfit headed by former President Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani.

As Foreign Minister since 1981, Velayati, a pediatrician by training, articulated Iran's external affairs policy through some of the turbulent years after the Islamic Revolution in 1979.

After becoming Foreign Minister under the Government of Hossein Mussavi in 1981, 52-year-old Velayati has been so much identified with the previous Governments that Khatami perhaps thought it best to replace him, observers said.

Copyright © 1997 Indian Express Newspapers (Bombay) Ltd. "

Shahrudi appoints Elham as judiciary spokesman

2005-01-01T19:43:00.000-08:00

IranMania News: "Shahrudi appoints Elham as judiciary spokesman

Monday, February 10, 2003 - ©2003 IranMania.com

Tehran, Feb 9 - Judiciary Chief Ayatollah Mahmoud Hashemi Shahrudi in a decree on Sunday appointed Gholam-Hossein Elham as the judiciary spokesman, IRNA said.

©2002 IranMania & AFP
Ayatollah Mahmud Hashemi-Shahrudi, head of the Judiciary.

Public Relations Department of the Judiciary quoted Shahrudi as hoping that the new judiciary spokesman would provide speedy and transparent news and information on the activities of the judiciary in line with due fundamentals and principles and would define policies and objectives for judicial development.

Elham, a Ph.D. graduate in Law and former chairman of the Guardian Council's Research Center, replaces Hossein Mir-Mohammad Sadeghi."

Mahmoud Ahmadi-Nejad appointed new Tehran mayor Chamran heads TCC

2004-12-29T10:12:00.000-08:00

Mahmoud Ahmadi-Nejad appointed new Tehran mayor: press: "Mahmoud Ahmadi-Nejad appointed new Tehran mayor: press

Tehran, April 29, IRNA -- The Tehran City Council (TCC) has appointed Mahmoud Ahmadi-Nejad as the mayor of the 12-million-strong megapolis, press said Tuesday.

The Persian daily Iran cited informed sources as saying that Mehdi Chamran had also been designated as the head of the TCC. The appointments, it said, will officially be announced soon.

Ahmadi-Nejad already served as the governor of the northwestern Ardebil province. He teaches at the Science and Industry (Elm-o San'at) University of Tehran.

The Tehran City Council has been dogged by a series of internal conflicts as well as disputes with the municipality, leading to its dissolution in January by Interior Minister Abdolvahed Moussavi Lari and replacement of the city's mayor.

The dissolution came ahead of council elections which tipped the balance in the rival camp's favor.

A progressive Tehran mayor, Gholam-Hossein Karbaschi, was stripped of his post after being indicted on graft charges, which landed him in jail.

His release came with Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei's pardon after reportedly former President Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani intervened.

Municipal elections, envisaged in the 1979 Islamic Constitution, were first held in 1999 on the back of President Khatami's campaign to promote democracy and build a civil society in Iran."

Mehdi Chamran places aplaque to spite Berlin - PDKI

2004-12-29T10:10:00.000-08:00

Irritated Iran erects a tit-for-tat plaque to spite Berlin - PDKI: "Irritated Iran erects a tit-for-tat plaque to spite Berlin

AFP , TEHRAN
Thursday, May 13, 2004,Page 6
Iranian authorities will erect a plaque outside the German embassy tomorrow denouncing Germany's contribution to former Iraqi president Saddam Hussein's chemical-weapons arsenal, in the latest tit-for-tat measure in a diplomatic spat between Berlin and Iran's clerical leaders, the official IRNA news agency said.

Tehran's conservative-controlled municipality gave the order on April 27 to put up the plaque, in a direct response to the unveiling the week before of a plaque in Berlin denouncing Iran for the 1992 murders there of four Kurdish dissidents.

"We will put up the plaque to commemorate the chemical-weapons victims in front of the German embassy on Friday," city council head Mehdi Chamran was quoted as saying by IRNA.

The ceremony will be attended by the members of the Tehran City Council, the government and military officials and veterans of the bloody 1980-1988 war against Iraq who were victims of chemical weapons.

Chamran added that the purpose of the plaque was to "support the chemical-weapons victims and to condemn the German government who sold the technology and the weapons of mass destruction to the Baathist regime of Saddam."

"Germany and the other oppressing countries are collectively responsible for these crimes and we want the Germans to ask questions of their government," Chamran added.

He also insisted that, "the German government must apologize to the Iranian nation, especially to the victims of the chemical weapons and their families."

Nearly a month ago, local officials in Berlin's Charlottenburg district unveiled a plaque marking the 1992 attack in the Mykonos restaurant.

It carries the victims' names and the words: "Murdered by the then regime in Iran. They died fighting for freedom and human rights."

A German court concluded in 1997 that the killers of the four Iranian Kurds were acting on Tehran's orders.

The decision prompted the German government to recall its ambassador and the EU to suspend dialogue with the Islamic republic for a year."

TCC Head Mehdi Chamran Reflects On Key Issues

2004-12-29T09:27:00.000-08:00

Iran Daily: "TCC Head Reflects On Key Issues

Mehdi Chamran
Tehran Street Name Change Ratified
The issue of changing the name of Khaled Eslamboli Street continues to overshadow reestablishment of Tehran-Cairo ties.
The decision to change the street's name was made after the presidents of the two countries met in the course of the Global Information Society meeting, opening a new chapter in the history of bilateral relations. Subsequently, Egyptian officials decided to show their good intentions and change the name of Pahlavi Street in Cairo.
Khaled Eslamboli was a young Egyptian officer who assassinated former President Anwar Sadat 20 years ago after the Camp David deal.
In an interview with the head of the Tehran City Council (TCC), Mehdi Chamran, Iran Daily's Farzaneh Shokri asked about the street name change as her first question. Full text follows:

IRAN DAILY: Why was the name of Khaled Eslamboli Avenue not changed although normalization of Cairo-Tehran relations has been decided at the top level in both countries?
CHAMRAN: TCC has agreed to the street name change. All TCC members have verified this ratification. But the actual name change depends on the interaction between the Iranian and Egyptian governments.

What measures have been adopted for resolving Tehran's traffic problems and the issue of relocating the fairgrounds? What has been done to resolve the differences among the government, TCC and Tehran Municipality?
Relocating the Tehran permanent fairgrounds can help resolve many of Tehran's traffic problems, but due to the absence of a serious will among our colleagues at the Organization for Exhibitions this problem remains. It is necessary for this organization to remain impartial and agree to relocate the fairgrounds for solving the capital's traffic problems.

Most buildings of Tehran are not up to standard. Since Tehran is located on the seismic fault-line, what new ratifications has TCC made for construction projects?
From the beginning of the second round of TCC activities, we insisted that we should not have irregular construction projects. Construction projects that received permits before the second round of activities are not a topic of discussion, but we shall definitely abide by international standards for issuing new construction permits.
What about upgrading the resistance of buildings against earthquakes?
In small buildings, the desirable supervisory mechanism has not been implemented. Last year, TCC issued a ratification according to which all buildings should be issued technical identification cards. This task will be soon implemented upon the collaboration of the TCC, the Ministry of Housing and the Engineering Organization. In order to prevent irregular construction projects and abide by construction standards, the technical specifications of all new buildings will be examined by Tehran Municipality. Therefore, it is crucial that all new construction projects that receive permits present their technical calculations and designs for boosting resistance against earthquakes.

Could you tell us about the problems encountered in administering Tehran?
These problems include financial barriers, non-transparency of laws and regulations, legal contradictions and monetary problems which have essentially led to delays in implementing the Tehran subway project
If these problems are resolved, we can complete four more subway lines and resolve 25 percent of Tehran's traffic problems.
Generally speaking, the government plays a major role in resolving the problems of large cities. Tehran has its own problems since it is the capital city. The government can help us by offering financial assistance. Absence of financial resources is also responsible for the non-implementation of new highway projects and purchase of gas-powered buses from European countries for upgrading the transport sector.

Given the interaction and coordination between TCC and TM, the traffic and environmental conditions of Tehran was expected to improve. However, we still lag behind the ideal situation. Why is it so?
Although the TCC and TM interact effectively, the problems of Tehran are not being resolved in a speedy manner since TM has limited financial resources. Once TM used to sell construction density and procured its financial needs to some extent. But now this is not being done and we are facing a serious financial crisis."

Netiran> An Interview with Mehdi Chamran, Elected Tehran Councilman

2004-12-29T09:17:00.000-08:00

Netiran>Articles>Politics>Councils>An Interview with Mehdi Chamran, Elected Tehran Councilman: "Date Added:Mar 18 2003 Print Version

An Interview with Mehdi Chamran, Elected Tehran Councilman

Syasaterooz, Daily Newspaper, Vol. 2, No. 552, Mar. 18th, 2003, Page 6
Word Count : 1954

The Feb 28 elections swept the upstart "Developers of Islamic Iran Coalition" to victory. The coalition offered a list bearing names of experts with murky political background and managed to beat the apparently powerful groups like the Islamic Iran Participation Front, the Executives of Construction Party and the Islamic Iran Solidarity Party. Eventually the little- known coalition took the helm of council affairs. But such victory in the elections rivalry and winning the public confidence represents half of the game and the remaining half is presenting an efficient and up-to-date picture of the councils.
Eyes are kept on the planning of the elected councilman in Tehran for running the urban affairs in the megalopolis.
Therefore we were prompted to seek the views of elected Tehran councilman Mehdi Chamran, a faculty member of the architecture department of Tehran University.
Mehdi Chamran

Q: Mr. Engineer! What's your assessment of the council elections?
A: Let me not offer any assessment as it lies with the analysts. It naturally needs fundamentals and preparations I have not worked on. Superficial assessments stand out and anyone offers a specific analysis but they are unacceptable. Preparations are required for any analysis. So, I will offer my analysis after I work on the preliminary affairs.

Q: My question is related to your assessment of the people's behavior in the council elections. Of course I do not want you to offer any political assessment of the councils.
A: In my judgment, the people voted an independent tendency bearing in mind the failure of political groups and factions. They were of the view that the politics should not have overshadowed the city council and that was why the candidates with good specialty in urban planning were elected.

Q: How did the Developers of Islamic Iran Coalition take shape?
A: Several friends gathered and persuaded others to join us. I personally did not approve of contesting the vote but under certain circumstances I felt it was required to provide people with independent elections. To this end, we encouraged those with specialty and experience in urban affairs to convene and form an alliance. They were specialized or experienced in architecture, urban planning, development affairs, cultural, social and sports affairs, immunization, seismic operations as well as economic, environmental or health affairs. The coalition was set up shortly and we had to find a name for the alliance in three days.

Q: So you jumped to the fray in an attempt to add to the options and persuade much more people to cast ballots.
A: I do not know. We felt so and our opinion polls proved that the people would stay away. We decided to boost the electorate turnout and thank God we managed to entice more people to vote.
Q: Do you think that the presence of your coalition in the elections swayed the electorate turnout?

A: Certainly! Those who wanted to boycott the vote came to the fore and cast their ballots. The turnout rose and it is a matter of pride for us. It constituted a great success for us to persuade so many people to vote.

Q: The press corps reported low turnout in big cities. What do you think given your judgment that many people approved of your plans?
A: Those who stayed away from voting have their own reasons and justifications and it is up to the analysts to make a scientific and reasonable analysis of this issue regardless of any political or factional affiliations.

Q: Mr. Engineer! Did you think of your victory in the polls?
A: I was pretty sure to win the elections.

Q: What made you so confident?
A: The people voted me on the coattails of my brother, Mostafa Chamran who was killed in the Iraqi imposed war. Dr Sheibani was also credited as a trans-factional, committed and devout figure who has served the Iranian establishment. He was known for his anti-shah struggles and his imprisonment and the people hold respect for such values. Therefore we felt we would win the elections.

Q: Were there other figures who turned down your invitation to join the coalition?
A: Yes, we invited certain specialists who refused to join us but others replaced them.

Q: Would you please tell us about the political and executive background of the candidates put up by the Developers of Islamic Iran Coalition? Except fro two the rest are little known.
A: All candidates have good scientific and executive backgrounds and some of them have been involved in executive affairs for 15-20 years and some others have served as university professors. They are specialized and experienced. This is a unique group as most of them are university professors with specialty in seismography, traffic control, architecture, urban planning, development as well as cultural and social affairs.

Q: How did the Developers of Islamic Iran Coalition organize its list of candidates?
A: As I said, some friends offered this suggestion and our comrades were mostly experienced in executive affairs. Therefore it was not difficult for us and we could organize the affairs shortly. We did not mull over a pervasive task and we only felt obliged to inform the people of our presence in the vote and we did not make so much progress in this field. Some friends raised our eyebrows as they told us after the elections that they did not know of our candidacy. Anyhow we tried our best to carry out our tasks and disseminate information but we could not afford any extensive campaigning.

Q: How much did you earmark for campaigning costs?
A: I did not make any specific estimate of the campaigning costs. Anyhow, a number of friends assembled and voiced their readiness to help us and we feel ashamed to accept their goodwill gesture. We had to behave so as a matter of responsibility.

Q: Did the political parties and groups advocate you?
A: As far as I remember roughly eleven political and scientific groups espoused our views by including the names of some of our candidates in their lists. For instance, the Association of Iranian Engineers included us in their lists on grounds that we were members of the association for thirty years.

Q: Did they underwrite you?
A: No, they didn't.

Q: Some tendencies attribute the low turnout in the council elections to the victory of your coalition. What do you think?
A: I don't think that this analysis is true. Had the people voted more, we would have gained much more votes.

Q: To what extent are you familiar with the urban management affairs?
A: We firstly conducted certain studies in the Tehran City Hall and as an architect I was not unacquainted with the urban affairs. I have worked on many inclusive architectural projects and for this purpose I had to undertake planning to know what I should do.

Q: What field did you concentrate your efforts on?
A: We have given priority to two categories of affairs; The first group constitutes the emergency affairs like regulating the architectural and urban planning affairs to make decisions on the basis of scientific criteria. For instance, building construction and density need such urgent planning. The second group constitutes affairs which are not urgent but they might show their impacts in the future.
For example, urban construction, green space, traffic control and subway can create positive developments or arise problems in the future. Such issues are given priority.

Q: Did you set up any committee to accomplish your goals?
A: Regardless of the committees required by the organizational chart to be set up and need to be revised, we started categorizing special fields immediately after the elections results were announced. For example, we included development, architecture, beautification, immunization and even seismography and traffic control in one category to be handled by a single committee. Another committee was set up to cope with planning, yet another one to deal with budgeting and other committees to deal with social, cultural and sports affairs.

Q: Can you tell us about the combination of such committees?
A: The combination was based on the specialty of councilmen but I refuse to announce the makeup for the moment because no organized job has been done yet.

Q: What is your strategic slogan in running the city council?
A: We try to not chant slogans and our strategy is serving the residents of Tehran. I was born in a downtown district of Tehran and lived there for around 30 years. My parents still live there and anyhow we want to be good and honest servants for the people of Tehran.

Q: The City Council should elect a mayor and now speculation is rife over new Tehran mayor. Have you reached a consensus on election of the mayor?
A: We are considering a number of candidates based on the rules and regulations we have announced earlier and notably based on the guidelines of the Supreme Leader. We are undertaking surveillance to reach a final option.

Q: What are the Tehran City Council's expectations of the mayor?
A: Any mayor should be qualified to shoulder such heavy burden. He should be also righteous, brave, frugal and disciplined.

Q: Do your options have such characteristics?
A: Rarely can you find someone with the entire characteristics but many people might have them relatively. We are focusing our efforts on finding the best.

Q: The political circles are rife with the speculation that the Tehran City Hall would undergo major developments and alterations in the future after a mayor is elected. What do you think?
A: We welcome any development or alteration if based on regulations. Anyone advocates reforming evolution but we oppose any imbroglio. Clearly speaking, those who have done well can continue their work and of course we will substitute better figures for those now at work. I reject the idea of reshuffle.

Q: What's your anticipation? Will such reshuffle take place in the Tehran City Hall?
A: I don't think so. Of course, shakeup differs from reshuffle. It is unreasoned to replace those at work with new ones without any justification.

Q: Is the mayor elected by an ad hoc committee in the City Council or the whole councilmen should reach consensus?
A: The entire councilmen should reach consensus. We have defined qualifications and we will try to find the best mayor.

Q: What would happen to Hamshahri newspaper?
A: We have not made any specific decision yet. A decision in this respect has to be reasonable, precise and accurate. After we elect a mayor we would make up our minds about Hamshahri.

Q: What do you think about the rumors of delegating the license of Hamshahri to other institutions?
A: Coincidentally we have conducted a study to distinguish legal and illegal aspects and it seems that its license could not be diverted legally. We have not started our work and Hamshahri is run by another entity.

Q: What shall you do if Hamshahri goes under the authority of any other institution?
A: We will do what we approve of. But we do not favor any such delegation of authority. Anything owned by the Municipality should be run by itself. Everyone should be patient and any change should not disturb the entire affairs.

Q: When will you name the future mayor of Tehran?
A: We will try to introduce the mayor within the legal deadline.

Q: Mr. Chamran, we thank you.
A: Welcome."

Jamileh Kadivar released on bail (Berlin conference) 05/03/2000

2004-12-28T11:07:00.000-08:00

Jamileh Kadivar released on bail: "05/03/2000
Jamileh Kadivar released on bail

Tehran, May 3, IRNA -- Jamileh Kadivar, one of the Iranian celebrities for whom an arrest warrant had been issued on charges of acting against the national security by participating in the recently held Berlin conference and propaganda against the Islamic system, was released on a 100m rials bail on Wednesday.

In an interview with IRNA, she said she had been informed of the charges lodged against her adding however that she had asked the judge to clear the nature of the charges that she called as unclear.

Kadivar said the ministries of foreign affairs and information had been informed of the Berlin conference but did not declare that attending it was forbidden.

She said the said ministries should have prevented the Iranian delegation from going to Germany if they had been aware of the true nature of the conference."

VOA / KADIVAR PROFILE

2004-12-28T11:00:00.000-08:00

IRAN / KADIVAR PROFILE: "DATE=2/24/2000
TYPE=BACKGROUND REPORT
TITLE=IRAN / KADIVAR PROFILE
NUMBER=5-45507
BYLINE=SCOTT BOBB
DATELINE=TEHRAN
CONTENT=

VOICED AT:

INTRO: The landslide victory by reformist candidates
in Iran's parliamentary election is being called a
turning point in Iranian politics. Voters turned out
most of the incumbents and elected a legislature that
will be dominated by people under 40-years of age.
One of those new members is Jamileh Kadivar, who
received the second-highest number of votes in the
competitive Tehran race. As Correspondent Scott Bobb
reports in this profile of Mrs. Kadivar, she is an
activist who comes from a family of prominent
politicians.

TEXT: In the days following her election to
parliament, Jamileh Kadivar declined dozens of
requests for interviews from reporters. Although
elated by her victory in Tehran, Mrs. Kadivar said she
wanted to be with her brother, Mohsen Kadivar, a
reformist who was out of prison for a few days on
family visitation.

Mrs. Kadivar is the wife of the Minister of Islamic
Culture and Guidance, Ataollah Mohajerani, one of the
officials credited for the success of the campaign and
record voter turnout.

Along with the pressures brought on by her family's
involvement in politics, Mrs. Kadivar balances her own
career in politics and journalism with raising a
family. She is the author of six books, a professor,
and recently obtained a doctorate in political
sciences at Tehran University.

Mrs. Kadivar credits the reformists' overwhelming
victory to a strong desire by women and young people
for change. She says laws protecting women's rights
must be updated, in particular in the area of divorce
and child custody.

/// KADIVAR ACT ONE - IN FARSI - WITH ENGLISH
TRANSLATION ///

At the civil levels, we have family issues. We
would like to have our civil laws corrected to
the effect that the rights of women are
considered.

/// END ACT ///

Mrs. Kadivar says another goal is to place more women
at senior decision-making levels of government. She
says the government should appoint women to 10-percent
of senior administrative jobs.

// OPT // Jamileh Kadivar was born in Fasa, a town
near Shiraz in southern Iran. She attended school in
Shiraz until she was 16-years old, when she moved to
Tehran to get married. // END OPT //

Mrs. Kadivar worked for "Kayhan" newspaper, one of
Iran's largest conservative papers, before joining the
pro-reform "Ettela'at" newspaper.

In the mid-1990's, she ventured into politics. She
ran unsuccessfully for a parliamentary seat in Shiraz
in 1996 in a vote that many say was rigged. Last year
she ran for city council of Tehran and was elected
with the third largest number of votes.

At 36-years of age, Tehran's new parliamentary member
is one of the younger of a group of young reformists
who will control nearly two-thirds of the seats in the
new parliament.

/// OPT /// She says the parliament, if it is to be
successful, will have to address the aspirations of
Iran's youth, which accounts for two-thirds of the
total population and which voted overwhelmingly for
change.

/// OPT // KADIVAR ACT TWO - IN FARSI - WITH
ENGLISH TRANSLATION ///

Our new generation has new demands, political
and cultural freedoms. Of course, these issues
are for everybody, but our youth particularly
are demanding this. They want to have freedoms
to have gatherings, and to express themselves.

/// END ACT ///

Many young people in Iran say they are frustrated by
laws that forbid them from socializing in public.
They say they also want access to the cultural
fashions that their generation is enjoying in much of
the rest of the world.

Conservative leaders oppose such liberties, fearing
they will lead to moral decay and undermine Islamic
traditions.

Mrs. Kadivar, like many reformist leaders, knows that
some of the changes will come slowly, so she expects
to focus first on political reform. But she expects
her group to move quickly when the new parliament
opens, because many of their supporters are impatient
and will wait only so long. (SIGNED)

NEB/SB/JWH/RAE

24-Feb-2000 08:18 AM EDT (24-Feb-2000 1318 UTC)
NNNN

Source: Voice of America"

Netiran>Jamileh Kadivar: Interview and Account of the Berlin Conference

2004-12-28T10:58:00.000-08:00

Netiran>Articles>Politics>Politicians>Jamileh Kadivar: I have not Climbed the Ladder of Fame and Power of Men in My Family: "Jamileh Kadivar: I have not Climbed the Ladder of Fame and Power of Men in My Family

Zanan, Monthly Magazine, No. 63, Jun. 2000, Page 7-13
By : Nazanin Shah-Rokni
Word Count : 6737

Mrs. Jamileh Kadivar, 37, is a deputy from Tehran constituency in the 6th Islamic Consultative Assembly (Majlis) and a founding member of the Association of Iranian Women Journalists. She is also a member of the editorial board of Ettela'at International. Mrs. Kadivar describes how she handles her housewife works and takes care of her four children while dealing with her professional affairs. She is the wife of the Culture and Islamic Guidance Minister Ataollah Mohajerani and holds a Ph.D. in political sciences which she received from Tehran University in 1999. Kadivar married Mohajerani at the age of 16 and has four children, two sons and two daughters.
Jamileh Kadivar

Jamileh Kadivar who was a candidate for the 5th term of the Majlis from Shiraz constituency failed to find her way to the parliament due to the adverse atmosphere that took shape against her when rumors spread that she was an apostate. However, Kadivar who stood in the third place among 48 candidates in the first stage of the elections, failed in the second phase.

She entered the scene again in the course of the elections for the Islamic municipal councils. But, after a few months she decided to examine her chance for entering into the parliament from Tehran constituency and she succeeded.

Many would attribute her success in the parliamentary elections to the fame of her husband as well as her brother but she almost refutes such a suggestion and believes that "any woman who enters the scene of politics does not necessarily climb the ladder of fame and power of men in her family."

Some are, however, concerned about her future, believing that a fate similar to that of Faezeh Hashemi, Tehran's second deputy in the 5th Majlis, might befall her. She rejects such an opinion too. She says, "a person who develops a sound understanding of people's demands will never lag behind developments of the society." Of course, in this connection judgment should be made in future.

Given the imminent work of the 6th Majlis, `Zanan' interviewed Jamileh Kadivar at the building of presidential advisors and moved along the corridor of time from past up to the present.

Q: The hue and cry raised in the aftermath of the Berlin Conference has not subsided yet. Have you been summoned to the Revolution court? If so, what were your charges?
A: The court accuses all the participants in the Berlin Conference, including me, of attempting against national security and practical disinformation against the system. Of course, I have rejected all the accusations and said in protest that the judge should produce evidence on the charge of attempting against national security of the country. Because, firstly mere participation in a conference is not a sin and if there is a ban on attending a conference or accepting the invitation of a certain party or foundation, various organizations within the system should explicitly announce their views. In the same manner that travel to Israel has been explicitly banned and mentioned in passports. Other cases should have been mentioned as well.

Secondly, all through my trip and in my remarks, either in the conference or elsewhere, I defended the stance of the system, the revolution and Islam. On what basis such defensive remarks that are documented are being interpreted as practical propaganda against the system? However, the gist of the subject is that the conference has been organized by a foundation that is affiliated to the Green Party and the party itself is affiliated to the Zionists. Therefore, you too are...

Our response was that the Heinrich Boell Foundation had invited us and Iranian and German experts were expected to participate in the conference. If a number of the audience have resorted to immoral acts it is not the fault of the participants. Furthermore, most of the speeches were specialized and each participant had been invited according to his/her specialization and expressed his/her own views. It is possible that some members of the group had expressed negative outlook and made criticisms. Therefore, everybody should be responsive to his/her remarks and stances. Of course, irrespective of the accusations that even listening to them was very hard for me, the honorable judge and all those somehow relevant to the case treated me in a respectful manner.

Jamileh Kadivar

Q: It is not a bad idea to review the whole case from the very beginning. Did they send you an invitation?
A: Three months prior to the conference, a person on behalf of the Heinrich Boell Foundation together with an Iranian residing in Germany came to see me. They raised the issue of invitation in the same meeting and provided me with some information. They said the foundation with the collaboration of the World Culture House is planning to organize a conference. As far as I could gather, they intended to invite a group of people with different outlooks and tendencies. They proposed to me that since I was working with Ettela'at International and was acquainted with international developments, it would be better if I make an assessment of Iran-Germany relations in an article. I said I would think about their proposal and let them know about my decision later.

Q: Therefore, contrary to what was said afterwards, the aim of the hosts in organizing the Berlin Conference was clear for you.
A: Yes. They elaborated on the aim of the conference during the same meeting. The Green Party prior to coming to power had a critical outlook towards Iran. But, when it came to power through making coalition with other parties, a rift grew among its members over the issue. One side of the spectrum believed that they lack comprehensive knowledge about Iran. In fact, they held a positive outlook towards Iran and were trying to convince the other side of the spectrum that Iran-Germany relations are improving. In reality, they sought to provide a theoretical support for their outlook by organizing the conference.

Q: Let's go back to the first question. Some people representing the Heinrich Boell Foundation met you and you were expected to inform them of your decision. What was the result? Is it true that you coordinated your trip with the Foreign Ministry?
A: In connection with the proposed trips I usually consult with others. This time too I contacted the Foreign Ministry to inquire about their viewpoints. In response they told me to send them the text of the invitation. I did so. After a few days they told me: "As you have been invited as a journalist and are not representing a specific government organization, therefore, there is nothing wrong with your trip." Of course, a few days prior to the conference the Iranian embassy in Germany had raised the issue of security and had expressed concern over the activities of the opposition groups. I faxed a message to the official in charge of the foundation and told him in case he guarantees our security I would participate in the conference otherwise I would rather regret. The foundation immediately responded to my message and said all security measures have been adopted in connection with the conference.

However, after considering all aspects of the issue I decided to go. There is another point that I must mention here. In meetings that had been held abroad no red carpet had been spread for the participants, either formal and governmental or informal and non-governmental. That is to say, in certain cases some people have either insulted that person or chanted slogans against the Islamic Republic. This was not the first time that such an incident occurred. But, apparently it seems that there are certain people who attempt to misuse the Berlin Conference in a bid to realize their own objectives. Unfortunately, as you noticed, the IRIB (state radio and TV) broadcast the most indecent scenes of the conference while the gathering conducted specialized debates on such issues as the environment, economy and international relations. Why the IRIB, which is expected to disseminate information, does not accomplish its task completely?

Q: Mrs. Kadivar, you pointed to the film that was aired by the TV. Press reports said you immediately left the conference hall when the audience started to chant anti-Iran slogans. But, in the IRIB report you just arrived in the midst of all those hue and cry and took a seat in the front row. Should people believe what they read in newspapers or what they watched on the TV?
A: The truth is that I was neither present in the meeting on the first day nor in the morning of the second day. The scene on the dancing belonged to the morning session on the second day. I was getting prepared for the afternoon session when I was informed that the meeting had not been convened due to the disorderly atmosphere in the conference hall. However, I waited for a while and then entered the conference hall. This is the same scene that you watched on the TV. As soon as I took a seat, some of the audience started to chant against the Islamic Republic of Iran. I immediately stood up and with other friends decided to leave the hall as a sign of protest. But, the TV only showed me entering the hall and not the time when I left the conference room. This was simultaneously with the chanting of anti-Iran slogans and before the immoral act by that man. All these incidents took only a few minutes. The speakers left the hall subsequently. Of course other friends were absent in that session.

Q: You said you would lodge a complaint against the IRIB in case it fails to broadcast the complete film on the Berlin Conference. The IRIB has so far shown no reaction. Have you filed a complaint?
A: I have gained no result yet out of my complaints about violations in the 5th term of the Majlis. Of course I think the very nature of expressing protest against such a biased and selective reporting is very important. We defended the Islamic Republic and Revolution under such a tense atmosphere. The IRIB was duty bound to broadcast the full text of the speeches. In fact, to the same extent that it wasted its time for a selective broadcast of the Berlin Conference, it should have given us time to defend ourselves. However, it did not do so.

Q: Unfortunately, these days everything is overshadowed by the daily developments. Apparently our discussion is not an exclusion either. We better keep distance from developments of the day, if you agree. You have been active in various fields but journalism was your first area of activities, why?
A: I received my B.A. in political sciences in 1989. I was looking for a job. I noticed an announcement in one of the newspapers in which the weekly `Zan-e Rooz' was looking for a reporter. I went with a friend and did the preliminaries but for some reasons I could not attend the exams. My friend took the exam and passed it. Another friend who was working at `Kayhan' newspaper then introduced me to the foreign desk of the paper. This was the beginning of my journalistic career. Given my interest in the Middle East and North Africa, I started my work with Algeria. I worked with the daily for a year and then due to some difference I joined Ettela'at and to date I have maintained my connection with the daily.

Q: Why Ettela'at? Was it because of the friendship between Mr. Mohajerani and Mr. Doaei (head of the Ettela'at daily)?
A: At that time there were only a few number of active newspapers with Kayhan and Ettela'at being the most important. With the change in the management of Kayhan, the atmosphere changed to the extent that some staff members could no more tolerate working under those circumstances. On the other hand, due to being familiar with the personality of Mr. Doaei, I felt more comfortable with Ettela'at. Therefore, I joint the daily.

Q: Your worked with the foreign desk both at Kayhan and Ettela'at. Presently you are also a member of the editorial board of Ettela'at International. Are all these events accidental or because of the attraction of foreign trips?
A: I joined the foreign desk of Kayhan because of my specialization and interest in the issue of the Middle East region. But, since at that time other people claimed to be expert in issues pertaining to Palestine and Israel, I was appointed in charge of developments in North Africa. I did not join Ettela'at International directly from Kayhan. For some time I worked as the deputy editor at the foreign desk of the daily Ettela'at and was in charge of the Middle East news. Contrary to what you said, there was no possibility for foreign trips at that time. Therefore, it was due to my own abilities that I continued work at the foreign desk and not because of the attractions of foreign trips. Of course, I was among the first women journalists at Ettela'at who was dispatched to cover international events.

Q: Apparently you once made a trip to South Lebanon to inspect the Palestinian camps. Tell us about that visit, the reason for it and things you saw there.
A: It was in 1992 and I was in charge of news about Palestine. I heard that about 450 Palestinians had been exiled to South Lebanon. I told Mr. Doaei: "Because we claim our support for Palestine, it would be better if we dispatch a reporter to Palestine to cover the developments there." He said: "It is dangerous. Such a trip is even difficult for men let alone you." However, finally I received his consent and went to South Lebanon. It was an opportunity to talk with the exiled Palestinians on issues in their occupied lands. I tried to fully study the situation of homeless Palestinians. I portrayed three generations: the generation exiled in 1969 to 19988, the generation born in camps and the third generation that were children of the homeless Palestinians. The outcome of the two-week trip was later compiled in the book `Intifada, the epic of Palestinian resistance'.

Q: How many children did you have at that time?
A: Three.

Q: The children were small and Mr. Mohajerani was very busy. Who took care of the kids?
A: My family has always proven to be helpful. For those two weeks that I was away, my mother came from Shiraz and took care of the children.

Q: Whenever Mr. Mohajerani decides to take a stance about a particular issue he writes an article in the daily Ettela'at. Why? Is it because Ettela'at is rather ineffective and impartial?
A: I would not use the term "ineffective". In my opinion and given the turbulent atmosphere of the country in the past 21 years, Mr. Doaei has tried to avoid involvement in factional disputes and he has been successful in this respect. For this reason the daily Ettela'at has always been awarded the cup of etiquette at press festivals. Mr. Doaei has always tried to respect the readers and subjects of reporting. He has neither sacrificed accuracy for speed not the vice-versa.

Q: It seems that you have a strong attachment to Ettela'at. My question was that why Mr. Mohajerani gives his notes to Ettela'at?
A: At the time when Mr. Khatami was in charge of Kayhan Mr. Mohajerani used to write in that daily. But, because of the atmosphere which was prevailing over Kayhan after Mr. Khatami left the daily, he gave his articles to Ettela'at. Obviously, his acquaintance with Mr. Doaei should not be ignored. No one can deny attractions of Mr. Doaei's personality.

Q: Your next move in the realm of journalism was founding the Association of Women Journalists in Iran. It seems that since its formation the association has not shown any activity other than issuing a number of statements.
A: Of course, our activities have been more than releasing a number of announcements. But, due to certain problems our activities were not demonstrated in the way we expected. In fact, no adequate support was shown towards non-governmental organizations, including our association. The reason was that we tried to preserve our independence and remain not affiliated to any government organization or political group. The composition of the association is a proof to such a claim. We tried to have representatives from different spectrums. However, such an independence-seeking policy had its own problems such as meeting our preliminary needs, including an office. For the time being we have sufficed to a single room. But, we hope that by absorbing more members we could expand our activities.

Q: You usually announce your disapproval of the activities that are exclusively feminine. How come you accepted membership in a feminine association?
A: I have always criticized women who have restricted their activities to issues pertaining to women alone and thus remain ignorant of other affairs. In my opinion, if we care for general issues, women's affairs will be settled as well. Given the improvement of journalism in the past three years and the outstanding role that women journalists play in this sector, we reached the conclusion that it would be better for women journalists to be provided with an opportunity to exchange their experience. In fact, we were thinking of a mechanism to support women journalists somehow.

Q: The trade union of journalists was formed with the aim to support journalists and was expected to support journalists irrespective of gender or political tendencies.
A: What is wrong with it?. In my opinion there is no problem with the parallel activities of journalistic associations. These associations can strengthen each other. Moreover, various women associations do not deny each other but rather, further strengthen and support each other.

Q: You have compiled six books, including four with political-international themes. Is this because of your field of study?
A: Yes. I have tried to forge coordination between my fields of studies, activities and my favorites. The subject of my books is a combination of these three points. The book on the `development of Shia political dialog in Iran' was my Ph.D. thesis.

Q: Let's turn to the Majlis. Apparently your complaints about election violations in the 5th term of the Majlis are still awaiting investigation...
A: Yes, at branch 1410 of the special judicial complex and after a period of about 2 years and 3 months. Despite many evidences and reliable witnesses no one pays any attention to those complaints. I wonder how the Guardian Council and Mr. (Ahmad) Jannati (GC Spokesman) who are very sensitive in the case of election violations in the 6th Majlis paid no attention to the violations in the previous term of the Majlis. The Guardian Council dispatched supervisory teams to Shiraz and was informed of the extent of the violations. All the evidences, including forged seals, ballot boxes, etc. are available there. My complaints have been registered at the special judicial complex as well. Unfortunately, however, no one pays the slightest attention. Many officials believed that the violations committed in Shiraz in the 5th Majlis had not precedence before and after the revolution. I cannot understand the reason why no one probes into the case. My understanding is that they intend to leave the issue in abeyance and finally say there is no use to follow the case. I take this opportunity and hereby announce that I will follow up the case even if it takes for years. I am decisive that the violators who are unfortunately still serving in certain organizations be punished.

Q: What was your motive to become an MP four years ago? Was it for the purpose of gaining fame and wealth or serving the people?
A: Naturally, in response to your question all would say `of course for serving the people'. However, I hope I can prove in practice that my aim has been serving the people.

Q: Well, the grounds were prepared for serving the people in the City Council of Tehran. Why did you withdraw from the council and announced your candidacy for the 6th Majlis?
A: Many others and I thought that we could deal with minor issues at the council and with major issues in the Majlis. But, following the formation of the council, the Majlis approved a law according to which those who are active in the council cannot become a member of Majlis. Therefore, I had to choose one between the council and the Majlis. I reached the conclusion that given my specialization and expertise I would better serve in the Majlis. On the other hand, all our activities within the council were labeled as being political. Therefore, we thought that it would be better if non-political figures served at the council. Furthermore, we would spend hours on a specific subject but would reach no significant outcome such as the issue of the cultural-artistic organization of the Municipality which has not been settled to date, or the issue of the Tehran University dormitory for which we formed an investigation committee. After the committee held a few sessions, we were told that the issue was beyond our responsibility. However, I developed the feeling that some hidden hands were at work to underlined the activities of the council. Therefore, I decided to be present in a place where I deserved more in terms of my specialization and abilities.

Q: Some would say that with the participation in the council elections you tried to assess the degree of your social popularity in Tehran.
A: Not at all. I was not an unknown person to secure votes for myself by including my name in the list of a certain party. I have been active in the field of journalism for the past 10 years thus, people are familiar with my name, face and articles that I have written. I gained high number of votes in the 5th Majlis. Therefore, there was no need to measure my social popularity through council elections.

Q: What did you do in the council in the period of 4 to 5 months of your presence there?
A: We were active in three areas. We participated in the open sessions of the council as well as in meetings of the commissions. The commissions were divided according to their activities. I was a member of the culture commission. We had also geographical divisions under which five committees were formed: north, center, south, east and west. I was a member of the south committee. The committees would in fact deal with the study of projects that would be subsequently handed over to the open sessions. One of the projects that was approved when I was in the council was "council assistance" through implementation of which some development, welfare and traffic issues would be administered by the people themselves. In the committees we also tried to make inspection tours to the areas of our activities at least once a day to become aware of local problems.

Q: What districts were areas of your activity?
A: Districts 15, 16, 17, 18, 19 and 20.

Q: District 20 was under the supervision of Mr. Hajjarian, wasn't it?
A: Yes. Mr. Hajjarian, Mr. Lotfi and me were member of the committee.

Q: It is said that you and Mr. Hajjarian were in a same class.
A: Yes, we both were students of Ph.D. course in political sciences at Tehran University. Of course, since I entered the course sooner than Mr. Hajjarian, therefore, our joint classes were not many. But, our contacts as presidential advisors gradually grew. He was presidential advisor for political affairs and I was presidential advisor for the press. We had frequently joint sessions. He recommended me to take part in the council elections. While in the council, I had more time to become further acquainted with him.

Q: Coming back to our own discussion, you said you resigned as a councilor in order to compete for the Majlis. Why didn't you announce your candidacy from Shiraz constituency? Is it because of the bitter memories of the past?
A: It makes no difference. Every deputy represents the whole country. I can and I would like to serve the people of Shiraz. But, for a totally personal reason I announced my candidacy for Tehran.

Q: Can you tell us about that personal issue? Was it your fourth child?
A: Yes.

Q: Many believe that your success was due to the fame of your husband and your brother. Although you always reject this claim, do you still believe that their fame had not been effective in the number of votes you gained?
A: I do not thoroughly deny the issue but do not regard it as the main factor. Prior to the election, either in the debates or in meetings I would repeatedly announce that I am Jamileh Kadivar and have my own personality. I might share common points with Mr. Mohajerani and Mr. Kadivar but I want people give their votes because of my own specifications. I told people that I would attend the Majlis and not my brother or husband. I think people know well that politics is like medicine. In the same manner that if someone's brother is a doctor he himself is not qualified to treat people, it is true in the case of people whose brother or husband is a politician. Another point that I would like to mention here is that in the council election I stood third and at that time there was no issue such as Mr. Kadivar. I think the day after I was elected to the council my brother was imprisoned. Those who attribute my high number of votes to my brother, what would they say in the case of council election? In the course of my election campaign and in spite of recommendations of many people I never used the name of my brother or my husband. I think such an outlook is stemmed from the masculine approach within the society that tends to attribute success of a woman to one of the men in her family. Of course, women who have used the fame of men in their families have further extended such an outlook. However, I mean that any woman who enters the scene of politics does not necessarily take the ladder of fame and power of men in her family.

Q: Tehran's second deputy in the 5th Majlis fell down the list in the 6th Majlis. How would you see your future?
A: I think if me and others try to fully understand people's demands, move in the direction of supporting and realizing such demands and update ourselves according to the changes of the day, we will not experience the problems that deputies in the 5th Majlis were faced with.

Q: In the introduction of your book `Zan' (Woman) and in your recent remarks you have disapproved having activities in exclusive women's fields. It seems that with the passage of the hectic days of the 5th Majlis, you have forgotten that women in our society, willingly or unwillingly, shoulder the burden of being women.
A: No, I have not forgotten and helping the formation of the Association of Women Journalists of Iran lends further proof to this claim. Prior to the 5th Majlis I thought that women's issues should be solved within the framework of other issues. But, in the light of the experience I gained at that time, I gradually noticed that women's affairs should be dealt with in its special way.

Q: Now it is time to ask you what are the priorities of the Sixth Majlis in dealing with women's issues?
A: In my opinion women should be protected in the two areas of political rights and civil rights. In the first stage, women should be enabled to occupy at least 10 percent of the senior managerial posts at various organizations. I hope that this percentage will be increased at the termination of the 6th term of the Majlis. This demands support and approval of the Majlis. However, I think dealing with civil rights is much more important. Because, if women feel lack of security and calm within the family, normally they will not be able to be involved in political affairs. In my opinion priority should be given to the reform of some of the approval of the Civil Law, which date back to the 1932-33 and so far have remained unchanged. I hope such a task will be accomplished with the help of jurisprudents who have a positive outlook towards women's issues.

Q: Besides women's issues, what are other priorities of the 6th Majlis?
A: The importance of the press has been further surfaced during the past three years. For this reason, reform of the press law is one of the most important priorities of the Majlis. Of course, I mean reform of the amendment that the 5th Majlis approved in its last days. On the other hand, I believe steps should be taken for the rapid institutionalization of political and cultural development as the main motto of the President. Another point is the issue of reinforcing parties and reform of the law of parties. Strengthening the supervisory dimension of the Majlis is also important, as are economic issues.

Q: Which commission do you prefer to become a member of? Is it the Foreign Commission?
A: (Smiling). I prefer two commissions: Foreign, and Culture and Islamic Guidance. However, obviously I prefer the first one because there are many attractions in the Foreign Commission. There have always been people with different specialization in that commission. I hope one of the reform measures of the 6th Majlis would be paying attention to the membership of the deputies in commissions in terms of their specialization.

Q: It is said that you are going to announce your candidacy for membership in the Presiding Board of the Majlis. Besides its symbolic aspect, what effects would the membership of a woman in the presiding board have?
A: Naturally, this symbolic aspect has no importance for me. That is to say, if I feel that the deputies vote for me merely because I am a woman, I will not become a candidate. I do not become a candidate as a woman but because I feel it is my indisputable right to become a member in the presiding board. Of course my membership or that of others is not that much important. We also support any woman deputy whose efficiency is being approved by the majority. The presiding board plays a key role in prioritizing the subjects in question. Therefore, my presence in the board could be effective either as being a woman or a deputy who seeks realization of people's demands.

Q: Who do you think will have a greater chance to become Majlis speaker?
A: Let the 6th Majlis first be formed and consultations made in this connection. What I say now is a mere guess and similar to what the press suggests. However, generally speaking I believe that the speaker of Majlis should be both a popular personality and be an experienced executive manager. I do not think the chairmanship of a beginner in executive field will add more weight to the Majlis. Furthermore, the Majlis speaker should be in a parallel rank with head of the other branches of the government because he should participate in the sessions of various high councils for decision making.

Q: This place is the office of presidential advisors. Are you still a press advisor to Mr. Khatami?
A: I resigned my post for the municipal elections but maintained my contacts and presently I am a member of the president's consulting council for press and media affairs. Messrs. Pournejati and Khamenei resigned too as presidential advisors but still are members in the consulting groups.

Q: How come Mr. Khatami appointed you as one of his press advisors?
A: Perhaps because of my 10-year experience in the field of journalism on the one hand and his knowledge of my activities and outlooks on the other hand.

Q: What do Mr. Khatami's press advisors do?
A: They offer consultations to the president in various media-related fields. Holding sessions with journalists as well as with the executive and judicial officials dealing with the press are among other tasks of the advisors.

Q: Mrs. Kadivar, don't you think that having heavy responsibilities at the same time would make one superficial?
A: It depends on how much importance one gives to those responsibilities. I think if the parallel responsibilities support each other, no problem will emerge. I have tried to keep my contacts with experts in various fields. Although my responsibilities might appear to be different, however, they complete each other. While I am a press advisor I am a journalist as well and there is no contradiction between these two.

Q: Therefore, you are among those people whose 24 hours is 72 hours?
A: (Smiling). I have always this feeling that I am moving behind the time. At the close of each day I notice that I have many unaccomplished works although I do my best to make utmost use of my time. Therefore, the unit of time for me is the moment.

Q: Let's go to the last domain of your activity, i.e., your family.
A: In fact family is the first priority for me. My other activities are coordinated in parallel with my responsibilities at home.

Q: Where is your house?
A: Would you like to come?

Q: No, but many people would like to know.
A: It is somewhere in Seyed Khandan. I apologize for not giving more detains.

Q: Do you know driving or you have your own driver?
A: I have a driving license but do not drive. I usually use the transportation facilities of the organizations where I work.

Q: Do you have bodyguards?
A: No. I personally take care of myself.

Q: For those who look at the lives of ministers and deputies there is always this question that how they live? What are their family relations like? Do they go on travel with their children? And many other questions.
A: I personally do my housewife works, including cleaning and cooking. Obviously, we both go to parties and make travels but we try to prioritize going to parties due to the preoccupations of the father of the family. Generally speaking, there is no difference between our family and others.

Q: Of course there are some differences. For example, the report on the parties of others will never appear in the press while people will read about your parties. What about the party in Lavasanat?
A: Since the very formation of Mr. Khatami's administration we have been witness to a series of oriented moves aimed at creating crisis and undermining the efficiency of the government and thus deviating the attention of officials from major issues to secondary affairs.
The last episode of this scenario was the fuss about a party in Lavasanat. About 60 guests attended the party from various fields such as culture and arts and carpet industry. The caretaker of the Egyptian interest section, ambassadors of a number of Arab countries, including Syria, Lebanon, Oman and Tunisia, as well as Messrs. Karbaschi and Mohajerani were among the guests. The party was neither the first nor the last in its kind. But, there are always certain people who intend to create crisis and a psychological war by misusing any opportunity. Therefore, assuming that ambassadors of Germany, France and Britain also attended the party, they fabricated the fable of Lavasanat villa. I wonder why the talks between the theoreticians of the right wing with the present British ambassador to Iran Nick Brown and the promises they made on the threshold of the presidential elections caused no concern and did not remind one of the colonial pacts of the Qajar era? In brief, the Lavasanat party was the last weapon that the propaganda artillery of the rival faction deployed against Mr. Mohajerani.

Q: What about the film taken from the party?
A: There was no reporter and no photographer there. Apparently, at the end of the party a red Renault took pictures of the cars coming out of the villa.

Q: Do your children freely meet friends or they are allowed to meet certain people?
A: The kids are free. They have their own friends. I only control them.

Q: How far are the kids informed of the responsibilities of you and Mr. Mohajerani?
A: They are fully informed but normally they prefer to have a peaceful life rather than having a life full of risks.

Q: Don't those who know they are your kids make them confused with their various questions?
A: Normally kids like mine are always center of attention but I have given them the necessary cautions. Moreover, the school authorities try to prevent hot debates with students.

Q: Apparently the motto `less children, better life' does not apply to you. With all your responsibilities, isn't it hard for you to take care of the fourth child?
A: (Smiling). Fortunately, this kid is so sweet that overshadows all hardships.

Q: It is true that you attended the court sessions while holding this kid in your arms?
A: Yes. The preliminary investigating session took about 6 hours and the subsequent session in which the accusations were elucidated took 9 hours. I was with my five and a half months daughter all those 15 hours. Of course the honorable judge was kind enough to put us in a separate room.

Q: How much do you study and what books do you read normally?
A: It depends on my activities. In my leisure time I read novels.

Q: What book are you reading now?
A: Because I am lecturing at university I study the relevant reference books.

Q: What courses are you lecturing?
A: Political sociology this term.

Q: What about newspaper? Which newspaper do you read?
A: Almost all the newspapers and given the large number of newspapers, this takes all my time.

Q: That is why 16 newspapers have been suspended in order to let people to read books.
A: Not really. Despite the closure of all those newspapers still there are enough dailies, weeklies and monthlies that you would not have enough time to go through.

Q: Who is the guidance minister at home, you or Mr. Mohajerani?
A: We try to settle issues at home through reasonable dialog as we do in society.

Q: Let's go back to the past. How did you get to know Mr. Mohajerani?
A: He was our high-school teacher for the religious class. At the end of the academic year and when he was elected Shiraz deputy in the Majlis, he proposed to marry me.

Q: If he remained the same simple teacher, would you still marry him?
A: My positive response to his proposal in 1980 was not a response to his occupation and status but rather to his personality and intellect. I believed he could prove an effective cultural figure in an international context if he did not waste his life in politics.

Q: Will you recommend marriage at younger ages to your own daughter?
A: The marriage age depends on the people themselves. There is no general rule for it. With regard to my daughter, I would seek her views. For the time being she prefers to continue her studies.

Q: Are your cultural preferences similar to those of Mr. Mohajerani? Do you ever find any opportunity to go to movies, read books and listen to music?
A: There is not enough time to enjoy attractions of life. Prior to Mr. Mohajerani's ministerial occupation we tried to go to cinema at least once a month. However, with the extension of his responsibilities, our time was limited.

Q: How would you settle family disputes?
A: We have no serious difference. We might have a critical outlook towards some issues or discuss his political views. He usually accepts criticisms or just smiles.

Q: Therefore, whenever we see Mr. Mohajerani smiling it means that he is expressing his opposition to something.
A: She laughs."

Moein has credentials to be Presidential Candidate

2004-12-28T07:47:00.000-08:00

Iran Presidential Campaign 2005: Analysis: Disunited Reformist Front In Iran Seeks Presidential Candidate: "Moin is trained as a physician, but his background since the revolution makes him a good candidate for president, according to the reformist daily. Moin was born in Najafabad, home of Ayatollah Hussein-Ali Montazeri, but he has never been accused of close ties with the dissident cleric. Nor has he been accused of ignoring religious issues like veiling, being pro-Western, or secularism. Moin, Abdolkarim Sorush, Ali Shariatmadari, and Ahmad Ahmadi were members of the Cultural Revolution Headquarters established in 1980 that was tasked with training and vetting professors, selecting students, and Islamizing universities and their curricula. His most important responsibility was serving on the committee that selected students, according to "Sharq," and he was not involved with the initial purge of the universities.Political commentators in Iran are warning that the divisions over a candidate will torpedo the reformists' election hopes.

In the mid-1990s, "Sharq" continued, Moin was secretary of the Coordination Council of the Group's Following the Imam's Line, a left-wing coalition that included the Mujahedin of the Islamic Revolution Organization and the Office for Strengthening Unity. As a minister in the Khatami cabinet, Moin submitted his resignation unsuccessfully twice -- once after the violent suppression of student demonstrations in July 1999 and again after student unrest in May 2003. Moin resigned in July 2003 mainly because the Guardians Council rejected a bill for restructuring his ministry (see "RFE/RL Iran Report," 4 August 2003). "

Mohsen Rezaei clarifies Comments on Khatami 2001

2004-12-28T06:14:00.000-08:00

EC secretary Mohsen Rezaei clarifies earlier remarks: "EC secretary Mohsen Rezaei clarifies earlier remarks

Tehran, March 18, IRNA -- Secretary of the Expediency Council Mohsen Rezaei here Sunday elaborated on his recent remarks over President Mohammad Khatami's running in the next presidential elections.
Asked why he was concerned about President Khatami's presence on the scene, he said while a group of Khatami's friends are worried about his success in the presidential elections others are concerned about his post-election success in the next four years.

"I am concerned about Mr. Khatami's success in the next four years for two reasons. Firstly his lack of success in the next four years will harm the Islamic system, the cleric and the society as Mr. Khatami has intertwined his identity with Islam and the people and experience has shown that he would not deviate from the path of Islam and the people," said Rezaei.

He said the second reason is that lack of success for Khatami will harm his own prestige and identity. Therefore, he added, if Khatami is to run in the next presidential election he had better plan for his success in the next four years.

On changes in his opinion about President Khatami's participation in the upcoming presidential elections, the EC secretary said the president's recent report to the Islamic Consultative Assembly (Majlis) made him worried as there can be two interpretations from it.

First of all, the president does not intend to run for president and secondly he is to participate in the elections but has no plan to change his previous programs, he said.

Rezaei further remarked that an opinion poll today indicates that people want an improvement in the cultural and economic situation and politics comes as their next priority. However, he added, four years ago the situation was different.

He said President Khatami can either adopt political development as a target or as a basis for cultural and economic evolution in the country.

In case the president opts for the first, he would definitely fail but if he selects the second choice he would come out successfully, Rezaei said.

However, he added, Khatami is the most proper candidate for the next presidential elections and his participation will be beneficial for the society and the system but not at any cost.

Some people believe they should encourage Khatami to run for president in order to preserve their own status, said Rezaei, adding that Khatami is a proper candidate for the next four years if he offers a plan for economic, cultural and administrative change.

Rezaei's brother, Omidvar, on Saturday said his brother is calling on President Mohammad Khatami to seek re-election.

Mohsen Rezaei on Friday told IRNA that it is better for Khatami not to run in the June polls in order not to ruin the fruits of his first term in office during the second term.

Omidvar Rezaei said his brother is staunchly in favor of Khatami for a second term in office.

Under the Iranian constitution, a president cannot serve more than two four-year terms. The presidential election is less than three months away on June 8.

Reformist parties and groupings have built pressure on Khatami to stand for June presidential elections.

Meanwhile, in a statement Friday, pro-reform Islamic Revolution Mujahideen Organization called on President Khatami to run for president in the upcoming elections.

"

Dr. Hassan Sobhani on the Budget January 2003

2004-12-27T19:59:00.000-08:00

Iran International Magazine - On Agenda: "

In order to improve the structure of the national budget, politicians should approve of expert advice when drawing up the budget agenda – uninfluenced by political considerations.

Dr. Hassan Sobhani, Member of Parliament from Damghan and member of the Budget, Planning and Evaluations Committee of Parliament, believes that since budget deficit has always been one of government’s major problems, the 2003 budget forecast must carefully and correctly consider earnings and place emphasis on the reduction of the state’s current expenditure.

Since there are numerous unfinished construction projects, the completion of these must be expedited, especially in the area of water and agriculture.

"The budget management system must move in the direction of change and gradually come to possess fewer restrictions."
Other priorities which should be carefully considered for the 2003 budget include provision of state expenditure from tax revenues and prevention of borrowing either on the national level – through the distribution of stocks – or from international markets. Improvement in budget structure plays a central role in adjustment of the state budget and is not a matter which may be concluded by holding sessions on implementation of regulations, rather it must be resolved through expert assistance and consideration of economic and social realities.

Experts must understand the issues involved realistically and put forward their proposals within the framework of the budget. Politicians on the other hand are obliged to approve the proposals without bringing political issues into the picture.

State companies follow their own particular rules and regulations but when possible the state must hand over these companies to the private sector, and the companies that ought to stay within the government have to take a more defensive stance by being made more resourceful and structured through implementation of tougher regulations related to their financial organizations, improvement of efficiency and by taking a more active role in increasing their stock profits and tax payment.

To prevent budget deficits, the government earnings must be forecasted on a more pragmatic basis and there should be attempts to find new and sensible sources of income. The government must identify and utilize new and untapped tax resources – disregarded due to bureaucracy or other reasons. The current construction expenditure of the government must be classified and prioritized to help increase the state's general budget in line with realistic earnings – or if that is not the case reduce spending by abandoning low priority projects. In this way a logical balance can be achieved between earnings and expenditure and budget deficits will be avoided.

Currently, total expenditure is four times more than construction expenditure within the government’s general budget. Steps have to be taken to alter this imbalance in favor of construction expenditure.

Iran’s budget management system has been rigid and authoritarian in the past decades and it must change and get stripped of it restrictions. It must not allow the Iranian economy to be under state influence either. Rules and regulations must be enacted to prevent public savings from becoming available to state companies so that the government may gradually find its foothold and become capable of managing the economy of the country."

Mohammad-Javad Larijani criticises 'weak' foreign policy

2004-12-27T18:37:00.000-08:00

IranMania News: "Former deputy FM criticises 'weak' foreign policy

Tuesday, December 03, 2002 - 2002 IranMania.com
TEHRAN, Dec 3 (AFP) - A prominent official in the conservative judiciary has hit out at Tehran's foreign policy and said opportunities had been missed for ties to be restored with Washington, newspapers reported Tuesday.

Mohammad-Javad Larijani, deputy chief of the judiciary's international affairs department, also regretted the outcome of the 1979 takeover of the US embassy as well as the sentencing to death of Salman Rushdie.

In comments carried by the press, Larijani said that during a secret 1986 visit to Tehran by former US national security advisor Robert McFarlane, Iran "had a good opportunity to positively respond to this move by the United States, because the US wanted to establish ties with Iran".

However he was quoted as saying the moves, as part of the Iran-Contra affair, were hijacked by Israel.

"We should have plans in our foreign policy and execute our plans bravely. I believe that we should take risks over Iraq and the Persian Gulf," he said, without elaborating.

On the 1979 takeover of the US embassy by radical Islamic students, who held the embassy's staff hostage for 444 days and sparked a severing of Iranian-US relations, the conservative official voiced regret over how the incident panned out.

"Attacks and protests by students against an embassy are a natural act across the world. But when the government joined them, the incidents that followed were hasty decisions which harmed our interests," he said.

"We should be realistic and see the disadvantages."

And on the case of British author Rushdie, the subject of a fatwa, or religious decree, by the late revolutionary leader Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini calling for his death, he also voiced regret over the damage to Iran's image.

"The imam's fatwa was reflected in the world in way which created a bad image of our system.

"Imam Khomeini said that 'as a cleric, I have expressed my opinion about Salman Rushdie and his books, it is up to the government of Iran to follow nation's interest,'" he said.

"My understanding of the Imam's remarks was that we should announce to the world that we have no intention of ordering the killing or harming of Rushdie," he asserted.

Larijani did not single out current Foreign Minister Kamal Kharazi in his criticism, saying that policy weaknesses were also present during the tenure of Ali Akbar Velayati, the former long-serving foreign minister.

"The inability to take risks in our foreign policy does not belong only to Kharazi: this has existed since Velayati's time," he said, regretting the failed efforts to the contrary by former president Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani."

Mohammad Javad A. Larijani

2004-12-27T18:31:00.000-08:00

Mohammad Javad A. Larijani: "Mohammad Javad A. Larijani

Tel: +98 21 2280958
Fax: +98 21 2719130
Email: larijani@ipm.ir
IPM Positions

1988 - Present:
Director

Senior Fellow

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Netiran>Interview with Mohammad Javad Larijani; Forget All Prominent Figures

2004-12-27T17:42:00.000-08:00

Netiran>Articles>Politics>Internal Affairs>Interview with Mohammad Javad Larijani; Forget All Prominent Figures: "Date Added:Dec 11 2003 Print Version

Interview with Mohammad Javad Larijani; Forget All Prominent Figures

Jam-e-Jam, Daily Newspaper, Vol. 4, No. 1033, Dec. 11st, 2003, Page 8
By : Farshad Mehdipoor
Word Count : 2020

Deputy Head of judiciary for international affairs Mohammad Javad Larijani is a conservative politician but he sometimes speaks differently from other conservatives. In an interview with Jam-e-Jam, he comments on Iran's human rights challenges, Iran-US ties and the seventh legislative elections. Larijani calls on the conservatives to forget about their prominent forces and let younger ones run for poll. In that case, he believes, that 50-60 new conservative lawmakers will wean seats in Majlis.
Mohammad Javad Larijani

We met Dr Mohammad Javad Larijani in a rainy evening. We passed through scattered buildings to reach the office of the 54-year-old politician. An attractive white Benz led us to the office. The mathematician and philosopher, Dr Larijani warmly received us in his office. He exchanged pleasantry with us. We talked about Iran's human rights record, Iran-US ties and the Feb 2004 parliamentary poll. Asked to tell us his prediction about legislative elections, he quipped that his predictions always prove wrong!

Q: After nuclear crisis, Iran's human rights record has caught attention worldwide in recent months. The United Nations General Assembly is poised to examine Iran's human rights record. What do you think about the recent events?

A: We have to deal with two aspects of human rights. The first aspect is Iran's human rights record while the second one is politically-motivated attack on our country under the cover of human rights. We are cooperative about the former but resist against the latter. The United Nations may be pitted against us to issue a resolution. We will show cooperation so long as no resolution is worded against us.

Q: Where do these pressures stem from?

A: We will have our vulnerability undermined if we improve our system. But the West is suffering from two fatal diseases; the West considers itself superior to others and the West is not tolerant of Islam. For example, secularists in France are opposed to headscarf at schools. How can the West criticize Iran for its human rights record while it is the origin of fascism, belligerency, colonialism and dominance? No common sense accepts such gesture from the West. Our positions are clear.

Q: Our judiciary is criticized for being more kind toward the Westerners. For instance, Europeans were promised to visit Iran's prisons to dispel any doubt (The criticisms mostly come from the reformists). To what extent do you accept such criticism?

A: Such criticism is not correct. No country opens up its prisons. The lawmakers and some foreign delegations are allowed to visit the prisons. But there exists no absolute freedom for visiting prisons in the world. The UN delegates who officially come to Iran can visit the prisons under aegis of cooperation on part of the judiciary. All these visits lie within the framework of diplomatic interactions and the foreign delegates are invited by the Foreign Ministry.

Q: Do you think that Iran's human rights record is snowballing into a challenge like the nuclear crisis?

A: We will not face any crisis for human rights because we are accustomed to human rights resolutions against our country. The important thing for us is the West's milder position toward us. The West has always chastised us relying in its anti-Islamism sentiment and the nuclear energy and human rights have served as its fronts. They failed to reach any objective by focusing on Iran's nuclear ambitions but they have managed to pass a contradictory resolution against Iran's human rights record. The resolution is unlikely to win endorsement at the United Nations General Assembly. This onslaught is too meager to become a crisis against Iran.

Q: Don't you think that we may give them pretext to feed the pressures?

A: I do not approve of the idea of "pretext". We have our faults and we have to account for them. They are not "pretexts". We have to establish justice in the country for administration. Today, the West has based its attacks on Islamic teachings. They insist on secularist views and highlight Iran's alleged fight with civilization. Everything is clear today. Of course we have to familiarize our citizens with their civil rights. At the same time, we should take into account that the West assault on us targets Islam. We have to define our judicial regulations and clarify our regulations about presence of jury at press tribunals. Our laws can head off threats. Regarding freedom of expression, I have to say that we need define boundaries for such freedom. Freedom of expression should not become a cover for insult against Islam and Quran.

Q: We have not defined ourselves to the world as we should. The delegates our judiciary sends abroad are not influential and powerful enough. What can be done in this regard?

A: We have not had coordination in the judiciary for interaction with the world and the judiciary chief Ayatollah Mahmoud Hashemi Shahroudi has moved to lift the barriers. In that case, we can use the experiences of others and introduce ourselves to the world and defend our judicial system. Our judiciary has launched widespread activities over the past 7-8 months. Anyhow, I acknowledge that our interaction with the world has been weaker than the executive and legislative powers. I do not approve of sending delegates of the same opinion because compulsive equation is not good. The judges should not raise political issues.

Q: Now I want to go beyond human rights. You talked about normalization of ties with the United States several months ago. Where is Iran-US interactions headed for under the present circumstances?

A: Both sides favor normalization of bilateral ties but the United States should deserve it. The American leaders are too rude and impolite to deserve any negotiation. Our foreign diplomacy further focuses on the enemies and the strategies we have to adopt in their face. But I do not give any positive assessment of Iran-US ties. Washington has opted for wrong war-mongering policies and such behaviors do not herald any good. What can we do then? We have to safeguard our national interests and do not fuel tensions. The Americans are trying to keep tensions high but we have to be careful and avoid any inflammation of tensions. I hope that George W. Bush would be crushed in next presidential elections so that the Americans are emancipated from his negligence. Adolph Hitler, Changeez the Conqueror and Alexander Macedonian were like Bush but all of them fell. I am hopeful of the future because I am sure that the US policies will founder.

Q: The United States has encircled Iran from all sides and the Islamic Republic is the sole unconquered spot in the region. What doctrine do you think the United States will adopt for the future of Iran and the Middle East region?

A: Iran is not totally beleaguered by the United States but we have to note that the US doctrine for the Middle East is a Zionist one because the Zionists are thirsty for reorganization of the region. So, we have to see obliteration of Israel or Zionist dominance on the region. This double- choice question is the start of a failure. The United States cannot reshape the region so it has to change its doctrine or tone down its rhetoric. I think that the US would opt for the second option without putting behind its expansionism.

Q: How do you think enraged anti-American sentiments sway US doctrine for the region?

A: The United States has never been so disgusting and the Muslims' abhorrence with this country is running deep. George Bush is very angry at the opinion polls and so it feigns oversight. The public opinion poses a major challenge to the United States and their plans would be hindered.

Q: But election rivals of President Bush do not adopt positions much different from him regarding Iran. How can the US presidential elections affect Iran?

A: The US presidential vote will not significantly affect our relations and the Zionists are investing in Bush's victory to have their views fixed.

Iran's atomic policy was good and we won the match. We do not seek to develop atomic bomb and accusing Iran of attempts for making nuclear bomb has no legal standing. We should know that we can serve our national interests by continuing our efforts for peaceful nuclear energy.

Q: Now I want to seize the moment and ask you questions about the seventh legislative elections.

In an interview with German weekly Der Spiegel you talked about emergence of pragmatist forces. Did you mean birth of any third current?

A: I talked about "pragmatists" because the people do not approve of factional wrangling between the rightists and the leftists. The leftist faction has failed to prove good administration in the past years. President Khatami has undertaken valuable measures but now more qualified forces should jump to the fray. The pragmatists rely on the Islamic nature of the establishment and the Constitution to present a more modern civil structure. Changing the Constitution for better administration is a mistake because the same law has its own vacuums. We have to accept the fact that administration of a country is not a piece of cake and we have experienced managers to offer ideas. We do not need any secularist revolution and we have to boost our internal balance under the auspices of the Islamic system to have a more efficient establishment.

Q: Do you find any such development within the conservative camp?

A: I have advised the rightists to close their eyes on their prominent figures and let new forces run.

Q: Do they constitute the third current?

A: I do not label them the "third" but we have to let them grow from the heart of political forces. The factional affiliation of these forces is not important and they have to rely on efficiency of the system to win the hearts and minds in the society. The people would vote those who can present a more efficient system. Of course we should not allow political bickering overshadow efficiency preoccupations.

Q: Do you think that the conditions are becoming emotional?

A: The people show mature behavior but parties have not succeeded in our country. I expected the Islamic Iran Participation Front to be a rational and modern party but it is on the wane. We have to wonder why parties do not take shape in the country. The people bear grudge of the parties and that is a weak point for our country.

Q: Why do you think the reformist faction is on the decline?

A: The IIPF did not go beyond the boundaries of an election headquarters and their slogans did not develop. At the beginning the people were to some extent sympathizing with them but now they question their competence. When some reformists threatened to step down I was very happy because their resignation was acknowledgement of their inefficiency. The reformist faction was moving as if a plane running on the streets. After the May 23, 1997 presidential elections, the privatization drive did not make any progress and the government became more obstreperous. The reformists could have reached better results had they not get themselves involved in political wrangling.

Q: What do you think about the outcome of seventh legislative elections?

A: I predict that the rightists will win 50 to 60 more seats to form a majority or at least powerful minority.

Q: As the last question, I want to know your opinion about the possible influence of the legislative poll on the next presidential elections?

A: Some politicians in our country are opportunists and they say they will boycott the legislative elections. They are afraid of defeat in the poll. We want brave politicians to offer modern views. That is a wrong idea to elect a president from the majority faction of the next parliament. Fearful politicians follow up such objective. We do not need opportunists and we want valorous president to heal the wounds."

Speaker Vote Gholam-Ali Hadad Adel196 Hassan Sobhani 55

2004-12-27T10:42:00.000-08:00

Al Bahhar.com - Home: "In-law of supreme leader voted conservative-majority parliament speaker

29-05-2004 12:40 G.M.T. TEHRAN (AFP)
Iran's new conservative parliament voted in an in-law of supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei as its speaker, the first time in the 25-year history of the Islamic republic that a non-cleric has held the post.

Gholam-Ali Hadad Adel, 59, whose daughter is married to Khamenei's son, beat off just one rival -- Hassan Sobhani, also a conservative -- by winning 196 out of the 266 votes cast in the 290-seat Majlis. Sobhani won 55 votes, according to details of the voting carried on state radio.

Religious conservatives hold around 200 of the 290 seats in parliament after overturning the outgoing reformist majority in controversial February polls from which large numbers of their opponents were disqualified.

Another 40 MPs have formed an independent bloc regarded as closer to the conservatives than the reformers.

The previous parliament speaker Mehdi Karoubi -- a close ally of embattled reformist President Mohammad Khatami -- lost his seat in February's elections.

Hadad Adel, who holds a doctorate in philosophy and entered politics relatively late in life after teaching physics at university, contested the polls as head of the Builders of an Islamic Iran party.

He first entered parliament during the 2000 elections, when powerful conservatives moved to annul some 700,000 votes in favour of the reformers.

His party contested this year's controversial polls -- branded as rigged by outgoing reformists -- on a platform of respect for Islam mixed with a pragmatic approach to dealing with Iran's economic problems.

The previous reformist-run parliament was dogged by bitter disputes with regime hardliners as deputies attempted to push through a wealth of social, political and economic changes."

Netiran>Articles>Politics>Parliament>Who Represents Tehran in Majlis?

2004-12-27T10:12:00.000-08:00

Netiran>Articles>Politics>Parliament>Who Represents Tehran in Majlis?: "Who Represents Tehran in Majlis?

Hamshahri, Daily Newspaper, No. 3391, May. 27th, 2004
By : Mohammad Hassan Ruzitalab
Word Count : 2241

Analysts are of the view that the Feb 2004 legislative elections lacked any vestige of democracy because reformist aspirants were barred from running.
Consequently,the voter turnout hit its record low in the aftermath of the 1979 Islamic Revolution.Voter apathy was significant in Tehran with 30 percent of the eligible voters casting ballots.The conservatives finally swept the elections and grabbed the majority of seats.

The conservative-led Hamshahri, the mouthpiece of Tehran City Hall, offers a background of the 29 candidates who won the elections in the capital. One nominee will be elected in the run-off vote.

1.Gholam-Ali Haddad-Adel topped the list offered by the Developers of Islamic Iran. He teaches philosophy at Tehran University and is known as a cultural figure in the Islamic Republic. Haddad-Adel won a seat in the former reformist-led parliament and led the minority faction. He always kept mum in the face of reformist lawmakers. Haddad-Adel who was the top vote-getter in Tehran has been voted as the speaker. Despite being very fond of philosophy and culture, he is a staunch supporter of Isalmic technocratism. He says the conservative-led parliament intends to create an Islamic Japan in Iran. Analysts are of the view that Haddad-Adel will abandon politics to turn back to culture once his term ends in Majlis. He says he felt obliged to run for parliament.

2.Ahmad Tavakoli is reputed for his frequent objections. He says the conservatives will defend President Mohammad Khatami more than reformists. Tavakoli represented Behshahr in the first post-revolutionary assembly and he was elected to the Presiding Board. He served the minister of labor and social affairs and also the government spokesman under Prime Minister Mir-Hossein Moussavi. Tavakoli started his protests in 1983 when he stepped down as the minister of labor in objection to the government interference in the economic sector. Tavakoli kept away from politics for nearly twenty years. Such individuals become successful journalists in Iran. Tavakoli is case in point. He founded the Resaalat newspaper in 1985. The paper turned out to be the most influential critic of Mr Moussavi. Tavakoli also established Farda paper. He contested former president Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani in 1993. Tavakoli calls for fight against economic corruption and rente-seeking. Speculation is rife that he will run for president in 2005. Tavakoli is tipped to lead the Majlis Planning and Budgeting Committee and he is willing to reexamine the fourth-five year economic development plan.

3.Hossein Mozaffar represents the symbol of failure of Islamist reformists. He introduces himself as a traditionalist leftist and is fiercely opposed to modern reformists. Mozaffar garnered the least votes to be elected as the minister of education when the fifth parliament was in place. When Morteza Haji was elected the minister of education, Mozaffar went to the Expediency Council. Then, his name was abruptly seen on the list offered by the Developers of Islamic Iran. Mozaffar was a member of the Islamic Revolutionary Mujahideen Organization (IRMO). The developers accuse Mozaffar of "political cleanup" against those who did note vote Khatami in 1997. Mozaffar dismisses such allegations citing his restricted authority. Mozaffar concluded his ministerial term while he was close to being impeached.

4.Hossein Fadaie is the most associative member of the Developers. He is the secretary-general of the Assembly of War Veterans. Fadaie was also the head of election committee of the Developers. He sat with Haddad-Adel and Tavakoli at a press conference to prove his strategic position. Fadaie prefers political activities to executive posts. He served as the vice-chairman of the Board of Directors for Refah Chain Stores to prove his support for free market economy. He was a member of the IRMO and deputy commander of the revolutionary guards corps for parliamentary affairs. He stood at the bottom of the list of Tehran legislators but he can be a member of the Presiding Board.

5.Amir-Reza Khadem was sure that he will be elected. Thanks to his athletic popularity, the well-known wrestler claimed the third spot among Tehran MPs. Khadem has not bid farewell to sports and he dreams of Olympic championship. He is not a political figure but his brother Rasool was working with the election campaigning committee of Ali Akbar Nateq Nouri who was contesting Khatami in 1997. Amir-Reza Khadem will definitely lead the sports committee of Majlis Cultural Commission.

6.Saeed Abutaleb never thought to start a year of turns and twists in March 2003. A chemistry teacher, Abutaleb shot documentaries for the state-run television. Abutaleb was captured by American troops in Iraq where he was filming. The Foreign Ministry left no stones unturned to secure the release of Abutaleb and his colleague Soheil Karimi. The duo was shooting "The Mirage of Legendary Land" in Iraq. The documentary will definitely be a blockbuster in the country.

7.Mehdi Tabatabaie Shirazi garnered votes by appearing on the state television. He led congregational prayers at Mussa bin Jaafar Mosque. Tabatabaie, a member of the Association of Combatant Clergy, enjoys heavy clout with religious circles.

8.Ahmad Ahmadi is a mid-ranking cleric who got his PhD in philosophy from the United States. He backed Mohammad Khatami in the run-up to the 1997 elections. A year later, he renounced his support for Khatami. Along with Abdul-Karim Soroush, Ali Shariatmadari and Shams Al-e Ahmad, Ahmadi was an active member of the Supreme Council of Cultural Revolution. Ahmad who lead prayers at Qods Mosque teaches at Tarbiat-e-Modarres University. Outspoken ideologues like Mohsen Armin, Hashem Aghajari and Ataollah Mohajerani were his students. He will an effective member of the Majlis Higher Education Committee.

9.Nafiseh Fayyazbakhsh was little-known in Tehran. She set the cornerstone for family tribunals. Fayyazbakhsh, shoo-in to lead the women front, is a redoubted opponent of Iran's adhesion to the United Nations convention banning discrimination against women. She will definitely join the Majlis Judicial Committee.

10.Mohammad Khoshchehreh is an economist at the Majlis. He holds a PhD in economic development and planning. Khoshchehreh was an economic aide to then prime minister in the 1980s. He opposes free market economy and globalization. He claims that he can resolve the scourge of unemployment. Khoshchehreh finished 9th in Tehran.

11.Emad Afrough was an academic on the list of Developers. In protest to former university minister Mostafa Moin, he quit as a faculty member of Tarbiat-e-Modarres University. Afrough was chairman of the social committee of the Center for Strategic Research at presidential office in the early 1990s. The center was headed by Mussavi Khoini with Saeed Hajjarian leading the political committee. Afrough wrote for Asr-e Ma, the mouthpiece of IRMO. He joined the Expediency Council in 1998 to be very critical of reformists. Afrough is fiercely opposed to globalization and capitalism. He must have voted Khatami in 1997.

12.Davoud Danesh Jaafari was predicted to be among the Developers. He represented Tehran in the fifth parliament and is now the secretary of the macro-economic committee of the Expediency Council. Unlike Khoshchehreh, Jaafari calls for Iran's entry to the World Trade Organization (WTO). He teaches at Allamah Tabatabaie University but he is at odds with other professors. He maintains that the parliament will focus on economic woes. Jaafari looks set to head the economic committee of the parliament.

13.Ali Zakani was elected to represent the Basiji students. Zakani's fiery speech in July 1999 is unforgettable. He was also a deputy to Fadaie. Zakani opposes Iran's signature of the additional protocol to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). He believes that the Islamic Republic should quit the NPT and he has reiterated his position in his interviews.

14.Laleh Eftekhari is a member of the Association of Islamic Revolutionary Women. She is a close associate of Maryam Behrouzi who leads the Zeinab Society. Eftekhari will be silent.

15.Fazlollah Moussavi was recently introduced by the judiciary chief to sit at the Guardian Council as a jurist. The former parliament turned him down and he managed to garner half a million votes in Tehran. Moussavi is the director of the Association for Defending the Victims of Chemical Warfare. He managed to convince the Iranian authorities to erect a plaque outside the German embassy on May 11 denouncing Germany's contribution to Saddam Hussein's chemical weapons arsenal, in the latest tit-for-tat measure in a diplomatic spat between Berlin and Tehran. Moussavi will certainly serve at the Majlis Judicial Committee.

16.Fatemeh Alia is a member of the Association of War Veterans. She has been working with Vice-President Zahra Shojaie at the Center for Women Affairs. Alia will definitely sit at the Majlis Women Committee.

17.Ali Abbaspour Tehrani was initially not among the Tehran MPs. The Guardian Council recounted the ballots and Abbaspour ranked 12th. Holding a PhD in nuclear physics from Berkley University, Abbaspour does not approve of the NPT Additional Protocol. He was the chancellor of Sharif University of Technology for a period of time. He also led the Higher Education Committee of the fifth Majlis. Abbaspour who will lead the cultural committee in the parliament calls for cultural cleanup of the campuses. However, he maintains that crackdowns may give the contrary result.

18.Hossein Nejabat holds a PhD in physics and is close to Ahmad Tavakoli. When the latter launched Farda newspaper, the former was in charge of the international desk. He is the brother of ex-MP Amad Nejabat. Hossein Nejabat is a technocrat who is not controversial like his brother.

19.Hossein Sheikholeslam is more known to foreign media. He was a student loyal to Imam Khomeini but now he does not maintain friendly ties with former hostage-takers at the US embassy. After the seizure of the US embassy in Tehran, Sheikholeslam served as the deputy foreign minister for political affairs for 16 years. Internet newspapers introduce Sheikholeslam as the spin doctor of Iranian foreign diplomacy, Then, he represented Iran in Syria where he boosted his ties with President Bashar al-Assad. Sheikholeslam is opposed to uranium enrichment freeze. He will be a key member of Majlis Foreign Policy and National Security Committee.

20.Elham Aminzadeh got her PhD in law from Glasgow University. She sat the same class with Hassan Rohani who is the secretary of the Supreme National Security Council. Aminzadeh was formerly working with the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC). She is also a member of the Association for Defending the Victims of Chemical Warfare.

21.Fatemeh Rahbar who is another female legislator is affiliated with the Islamic Coalition Society. Rahbar is now in charge of the Internet Policymaking Council at the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting (IRIB). A candidate for Majlis Cultural Committee, Rahbar favors limited access to Internet. She may prove a controversial deputy.

22.Abbas-Ali Akhtari is a Friday Prayers leader. The mid-ranking cleric is close to influential former president Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani. He is also advisor to the supreme leader for international affairs. A member of the Association of Combatant Clergy, Akhtari calls for cultural development.

23.Gholam-Reza Mesbahi is a close associate to Ayatollah Mahdavi Kani. He is the spokesman for the Association of Combatant Clergy, led by Ayatollah Kani. Mesbahi is an expert in economy. He is opposed to Iran's signature of the Additional Protocol to the NPT.

24.Elias Nadern is known for his fierce opposition to globalization. He was expelled from France for his daughter observing Islamic dress code. Nadern opposes Iran's entry to the WTO and NPT Additional Protocol. His name was on the list of the Developers but he will be a member of the Independent Servants Front.

25.Mohammad Sorouri is the most obscure candidate on the list of the Developers. A former revolutionary guard, Sorouri was Iran's military attaché in Syria and Lebanon. He was influential in quelling the July 1999 student unrest. Sorouri is now a member of the Islamic Coalition Society.

26.Manouchehr Motaki has a good experience of foreign diplomacy. He earlier represented Turkman Port in the first assembly. He as also a core member of the Front Loyal to Imam Khomeini and the Supreme Leader. Motaki has proposed division of the Foreign Policy and National Security Committee to three committees of defense, national security and foreign policy. He will be a key member of the foreign policy and national security committee.

27.Ali Riyadh was an upstart candidate on the Developers list. A former war veteran, he is now teaching at Shahid Beheshti Medical University. He is the frontrunner for the post of Health Committee.

28.Mehdi Kouchekzadeh came to the limelight when he spoke against Hashem Aghajari. Holding a PhD in irrigation, he has a lot to say about development. Kouchekzadeh is a technocrat on the Developers list.

29.Hamid-Reza Katuzian whose students never thought to see him as a deputy is now a representative in the capital. He taught "materials resistance" at university. Katuzian got his post-doctorate in mechanics from Berkley University. He is the most technocratic figure among the Developers. He was technical advisor at Iran Khodro but he fell foul of the Board of Directors. Katuzian backs free car imports. A former student loyal to Imam Khomeini, he is preparing to get a post at the Majlis Industrial Committee. The Ministry of Industries will have to take up the gauntlet thrown by Katuzian for car imports. Such challenge will definitely command the newspaper headlines."

Ahmad Sadeq Bonab Named the temporary Roads and Transport Minister

2004-12-27T05:31:00.000-08:00

RADIO FREE EUROPE/ RADIO LIBERTY: "IRAN GETS TEMPORARY TRANSPORT MINISTER
Iranian government spokesman Abdullah Ramezanzadeh announced on 4 October that Ahmad Sadeq Bonab has been appointed as the temporary roads and transport minister, IRNA reported. In parliament, 188 out of 258 members gave a no-confidence vote to Roads and Transport Minister Ahmad Khoram on 3 October (see "RFE/RL Newsline," 3 October 2004). Ramezanzadeh said Khoram is now a presidential adviser. Bonab was the deputy roads and transport minister in charge of economic affairs. Ramezanzadeh also added that the cabinet is not being treated fairly. First Vice President Mohammad Reza Aref criticized the timing of the interpellation, pointing out that the government is reviewing and revising the fourth development plan and the annual budget, Iranian state radio reported. BS"

Ahmad Sadeq Bonab - Iran, Afghanistan To Invest 2 Billion Dollars In Transportation Sector

2004-12-27T05:30:00.000-08:00

Iran, Afghanistan To Invest 2 Billion Dollars In Transportation Sector: "Iran, Afghanistan To Invest 2 Billion Dollars In Transportation Sector
Tehran, Nov 21, IRNA -- The caretaker of the Ministry of Roads and Transportation said here Saturday that two billion dollars are needed to complete rail and road lines connecting Iran and Afghanistan.
Ahmad Sadeq Bonab made the remarks at a tripartite meeting of transportation officials of Iran, Afghanistan and Uzbekistan.

Implementation of these projects would enhance the economic development of Iran by expanding activities in the North-South freight transportation corridor, he said.

He added that to date several prominent transportation projects have been inaugurated alongside the project to develop the North-South corridor.

"Effective measures have been undertaken for implementing the transportation agreements signed between the presidents of Iran, Afghanistan and Uzbekistan," he said.

Bonab added that construction operations on the 122-km Dogharoun-Herat highway have been completed and the highway is to be inaugurated in the near future.

He also pointed to the newly constructed Milak bridge -- also called the Silk bridge -- as an example of a project successfully undertaken by the two countries.

Iran, Uzbekistan and Afghanistan officials were present at the inaugural ceremony for the bridge which was held in the Afghan province of Nimroz on Saturday.

The construction of Herat-Maimana is another project which is due to be launched soon, he said.

The head of the Uzbek Transportation and Relations Organization, R. Fayzullayev, said that Iran, Uzbekistan and Afghanistan have agreed to boost their tripartite transportation cooperation.

"Due to the agreement, Afghanistan and Uzbekistan will get access to international waters via Iran," he said.

He expressed his country's readiness to work with China via the North-South corridor.

Afghan Deputy Minister of Public Works Dr. Wali Rasouli also praised Iran's cooperation towards efforts to reconstruct Afghanistan.

He expressed his gratitude to the government of Iran for undertaking eight development projects in Afghanistan.

He said his country was eager to work with the Iranian government in the implementation of more Iran-Afghanistan road and railway projects."

Transport Ministry's Caretaker Appointed - Ahmad Sadeq Bonab

2004-12-27T05:26:00.000-08:00

Iran Daily: "Transport Ministry's Caretaker Appointed

TEHRAN, Oct. 4--Government Spokesman Abdollah Ramezanzadeh here Monday said the treatment meted to the cabinet has been unjustified.
Addressing his weekly press briefing, he said he did not consider it justified that a minister who had been spending over 60 billion rials in his ministry could be impeached for purchasing an audiovisual system, IRNA reported.
Ramezanzadeh also announced that Ahmad Sadeq Bonab has been appointed as caretaker of the Ministry of Roads and Transportation.
Sadeq Bonab has been serving as deputy roads and transportation minister for economic affairs.
Former minister of roads and transportation Ahmad Khorram was impeached on Sunday and failed to secure the parliament's vote of confidence.
Ramezanzadeh also announced Khorram has been appointed presidential advisor.
Responding to remarks that a great deal of money was spent on the inauguration ceremony for the Imam Khomeini International airport, he said the expense could have been reimbursed in the first week if the airport was allowed to operate while the country now has to pay dearly in maintenance cost for an airport that is idle.
He confirmed that Abtahi submitted a letter of resignation to the president even before the start of the Seventh Majlis, but President Khatami has not responded to it.
Ramezanzadeh noted that since the changes made to the fourth development plan (2005-2010) stripped the plan of its effectiveness, the Management and Planning Organization has been asked to present a new version of the plan within two weeks to the cabinet."

Iran's Ambassador to Ukraine Ahmad Sadeq Bonab

2004-12-27T05:24:00.000-08:00

Build Ukraine: "UKRAINE REPORT 2003, No. 16: ARTICLE NUMBER ONE

1. IRAN KEEN TO EXPAND MUTUAL TIES WITH UKRAINE
Iran Ambassador Termed Iran as Ukraine's Most Important Regional Partner

Moscow, March 17, IRNA -- Iran's Ambassador to Ukraine Ahmad Sadeq Bonab stressed here Monday the need to expand bilateral and regional cooperation as he termed Iran as Ukraine's most important regional partner, according to a news story published by the Islamic Republic News Service (IRNA).

Pointing to similar stance of Iran and Ukraine towards regional and international issues, Sadeq Bonab told IRNA in an exclusive interview that the two sides enjoy "satisfactory and favorable" ties.

He voiced the two countries' political will to expand bilateral and regional cooperation and said that the prospect of bilateral cooperation in all fields, particularly in economic area is very promising.

He pointed to exchange of top level delegations between Tehran and Kiev and added that some 80 documents have been signed by the two countries in recent years.

The Iranian official cited steel, rolled steel sheets, sunflower oil, railway wagon, oil and gas pipelines, steam turbine, sheet and cardboard as among major items Ukraine exports to Iran and said that leather, hide, carpet, aluminum products, metals, fruits and dried fruits as among main goods Ukraine imports from the Islamic Republic.

He termed absence of joint sea and land borders, lack of direct banking cooperation particularly unfamiliarity of Iranian traders and industrialists with Ukrainian market as main obstacles to the development of bilateral trade and economic cooperation.

Sadeq Bonab noted that Iran enjoys great potentials regarding export of foodstuff, clothing, petrochemicals, oil products, carpet and other commodities to Ukraine.

Touching upon measures adopted by the two countries to boost bilateral cooperation, the ambassador said that President Mohammad Khatami's recent visit to Ukraine was among the most important events in mutual relations.

He said the holding of the third session of Iran-Ukraine Joint Economic Commission is among other developments in bilateral ties and noted that the volume of trade exchanges between Iran and Ukraine has amounted to 200 million dollars this year.

Sadeq Bonab voiced appreciation for Iran's policy of detente and expanding its international cooperation, institutionalizing political exchanges and promoting parliamentary cooperation.

Apart from mutual efforts to boost cooperation between Isfahan province of Iran and Kharkov province of Ukraine, establishment of second direct flight between Tehran and Kiev and holding of the second exclusive trade fair of Iranian made products in Ukraine were among other measures taken in this respect, he said.

Highlighting expansion of cultural ties between the two sides, Bonab recalled establishment of four Iranology centers in Ukrainian universities in line with expansion of Persian language in the country.

Ukraine attaches importance to Iran which is regarded as the most important, biggest and strongest country in the region possessing ample energy resources and a very unique geographical location, he said. (SF/MM/RR)"

1981 Majlis rejects Ali Akbar Velayati, as prime minister takes Mir-Hossein Mousavi

2004-12-25T06:10:00.000-08:00

History of Iran: Iran after the victory of 1979's Revolution: "Rajai and Bahonar, along with the chief of the Tehran police, lost their lives when a bomb went off during a meeting at the office of the prime minister on August 30. The Majlis named another cleric, Mahdavi-Kani, as interim prime minister. In a new round of elections on October 2, Hojatoleslam Ali Khamenei was elected president. Division within the leadership became apparent, however, when the Majlis rejected Khamenei's nominee, Ali Akbar Velayati, as prime minister. On October 28, the Majlis elected Mir-Hossein Mousavi, a protégé of the late Ayatollah Mohammad Beheshti, as prime minister. "

Netiran>Who's Who>Who's Update>Detail>Mr. Bijan Namdar Zanganeh

2004-12-23T21:12:00.000-08:00

Netiran>Who's Who>Who's Update>Detail>Mr. Bijan Namdar Zanganeh: "Mr. Namdar Zanganeh, Bijan

Minister of Oil

Netiran, Mar. 1st, 2004,

Date of Birth:
1952
Place of Birth:
Kermanshah, Kermanshah
Education:
M.S., Civil Engineering

Other Positions:
-Academic member of Khajeh Nasireddin Tousi University, 1977

- Construction Jihad, 1979-1980

- Deputy for Cultural Affairs of the Minister of Culture and Islamic Guidance, 1980-1983

- Minister of Energy: 1988-1997

- Member of the Economic Council, minister representing the president, 1989-till present

- Member of the general assembly of oil, gas and petrochemical companies, 1989-till present

- Member of the Market Regulating Committee, representing the cabinet ministers, 1988 till present

- Member of the Expediency Council, by a decree of the Supreme Leader in 1996

Major Initiatives in Executive Posts:

- Actively involved in creation of the Construction Jihad

- Active participation in deepening the cultural revolution at university

- Active participation in drawing up and formulating plans in accordance with the needs and requirements of the Islamic Republic of Iran while in the post of Deputy for Cultural Affairs of the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance

- Efforts to establish a center for collection and preservation of documents relating to the Islamic revolution of Iran and publishing the great and massive collection of speeches and guidelines of the late Imam Khomeini, Sahifeh Noor

- Offering valuable services to the population of deprived and remote villages and outstanding contribution to drawing up the organizational charter, executive procedure, educational and training programs of the Construction Jihad and promoting and publicizing this popular establishment and its goals and services among the public and introducing its constructive role in attainment of the economic independence and improvement of livelihood of the rural population, 1983-1988 as the Minister of Construction Jihad

- Massive efforts for reconstruction and rehabilitation of country’s water and electricity industry in the aftermath of the 1980-1988 Iraqi-imposed war and the damages caused to the industry in the Iraqi attacks as well as total revival of the industry, 1988-1997, while serving in the post of Minister of Energy

Scientific, Research and Education Record:

- Member of the academic staff of Khajeh Nasireddin Tousi University, 1977 till present

- Member of the Board of Trustees of Water and Electricity University, 1991, till present

- Member of the academic board of Razi Medical University, 1991 till present

- President of the Board of Trustees of north western universities (including universities in the cities of Orumiyeh, Ardebil and Zanjan), 1977 till present

- Launching the Center for Collection and Preservation and Publication of cultural revolution documents and compiling and publishing the speeches and guidelines of the late Imam Khomeini, Sahifeh Noor

Political and Religious Record:

Active participation in political and religious movements of university students and continuous struggle against the regime of the Shah, leading to the victory of the Islamic revolution in 1979

Biography:
Career Highlights: During his university studies, Zangeneh played an active and continuous role in religious and political activities. While fighting against the Shah's anti-Islamic regime, he did not agree at all with leftist elements. He regarded success in combat against the past decadent regime in dependence on the existence of religious figures. After the victory of the Islamic Revolution, Zanganeh was appointed as a faculty member, and at the same time played an active role in the great movement of the Construction Jihad. While teaching in the university, he continued his executive and cultural endeavors as well as his cooperation with the Construction Jihad.
While in the Ministry of Islamic Guidance, he made efforts to establish a center for collection, preservation and publication of written, audio, visual documents concerning the Islamic revolution. One of the steps taken by this center was publication of a great work of the Imam' statements and guidance entitled "Sahifeh Nour" (page of light).
He held this post until November 1982, then, at the invitation of the Construction Jihad officials and by order of the Prime Minister, he was appointed a member of the Central Council of this institution.
Zanganeh received a vote of confidence from the Majlis as the first Minister of Construction Jihad on Feb. 24, 1983, and retained this portfolio until July 21, 1989. Zanganeh is a faculty member of the Technological University. He got married in 1979 and has two children."

President Khatami's Brother Quits IIPF Head: Press

2004-12-23T12:13:00.000-08:00

President Khatami's Brother Quits IIPF Head: Press: "President Khatami's Brother Quits IIPF Head: Press
Head of the biggest Iranian pro- reform caucus Mohammad Reza Khatami has resigned his post, a press report said Tuesday.

The government-run newspaper Iran quoted a reformist lawmaker Reza Yousefian as saying that Reza Khatami, younger brother of President Mohammad Khatami, has ceased to head the Islamic Iran Participation Front (IIPF), which holds the majority in the reformist-majority parliament (Majlis).

Yousefian did not give the reasons of resignation, saying the IIPF was to hold a session on Monday to appoint a new head, but it was adjourned indefinitely.

He said that Mohsen Mirdamadi, head of a parliamentary commission, and Mohammad Reza Naimipour are candidates for the post. It seems that Naimipour will be elected as the head, he added.

Reza Khatami was the top vote-getter in last year's parliamentary polls.

As the June presidential elections looms, IIPF has heightened pressure recently on the incumbent president for a second mandate by picking him as the sole candidate for the polls."

BBC News | Ahmad Tavakkoli (conservative)

2004-12-23T10:24:00.001-08:00

BBC News | MIDDLE EAST | Guide: How Iran votes: "Ahmad Tavakkoli (conservative): Former labour minister and managing director of the no-longer published daily Farda. Declared aims: Combating "political apartheid", combating economic and political privileges, creating changes in the administration of the country "on the basis of reason and justice", rebuilding public support by making the state managerial system effective, changing poorly performing state managers and using competent officials."

BBC News | Ali Shamkhani (conservative)

2004-12-23T10:24:00.000-08:00

BBC News | MIDDLE EAST | Guide: How Iran votes: "Ali Shamkhani (conservative): Defence minister. Campaign slogan: bringing about security and reforms in the framework of political calm, national solidarity and social well-being. "

BBC News | Shahabeddin Sadr (conservative)

2004-12-23T10:23:00.001-08:00

BBC News | MIDDLE EAST | Guide: How Iran votes: "Shahabeddin Sadr (conservative): Head of the Administrative Medical Association and a former member of parliament. Campaign slogan: towards Islamic Iran's new civilisation. Declared aims: informed participation by everyone in the running of the country; fundamental, true and Islamic reforms; lasting, comprehensive and balanced political, economic, social and cultural development."

BBC News | Mansur Razavi (conservative)

2004-12-23T10:23:00.000-08:00

BBC News | MIDDLE EAST | Guide: How Iran votes: "Mansur Razavi (conservative): Tehran city councillor and former head of Employment Affairs Organisation. Campaign slogan: formation of a government of national consensus. Declared aims: building an Iran worthy of Iranians and forming a government of national consensus with decisive and effective officials, combating poverty, expanding political and social freedoms, bringing about a new state managerial system and strengthening regional administrations. "

BBC News | Mahmud Kashani (conservative): University lecturer and jurist

2004-12-23T10:22:00.000-08:00

BBC News | MIDDLE EAST | Guide: How Iran votes: "Mahmud Kashani (conservative): University lecturer and jurist. Declared aims: combating economic problems, unemployment, inflation and poverty; "seriously and decisively combating social problems which have resulted from statesmen's incorrect policies in recent years"; respecting the rights of the people and establishing the rule of law; changing the country's current "dispiriting course"."

BBC News | Abdollah Jasbi (conservative)

2004-12-23T10:21:00.001-08:00

BBC News | MIDDLE EAST | Guide: How Iran votes: "Abdollah Jasbi (conservative): Head of Islamic Azad University, a member of the Islamic Coalition Association, which is associated with the Tehran bazaar. Campaign slogan: a happy Iran for a thriving tomorrow with knowledge and ability. "

BBC News | Hassan Ghaffourifard (conservative)

2004-12-23T10:21:00.000-08:00

BBC News | MIDDLE EAST | Guide: How Iran votes: "Hassan Ghaffourifard (conservative): Member of Islamic Association of Engineers and a former member of parliament. Declared aims: 'raising the country's level of learning in order to join the world's scientific convoy', tackling various problems such as marriage, education, employment and sports for the young. "

BBC News | Ali Fallahian (conservative)

2004-12-23T10:20:00.000-08:00

BBC News | MIDDLE EAST | Guide: How Iran votes: "Ali Fallahian (conservative): Intelligence minister under former President Akbar Hashemi-Rafsanjani. Campaign slogan: moving Towards Post-Industrial Development. Declared aims: strengthening the executive's management by reforming regulations and reducing the number of laws; controlling inflation; reducing taxes. "

New Page 1

2004-12-23T05:34:00.000-08:00

New Page 1: "Biography of Ayatollah Shahrudi

In the Name of Allah, the Compassionate, the Merciful

Ayatollah Seyed Mahmoud Hashemi, born in August 1948, in Najaf, Iraq, is the son of the late Ayatollah Seyed Ali Hosseini Sharoudi, the progeny of one of the well-known families of the city of Shahroud, in the north of Iran, known as "Sadat Hosseini" (the descendents of the Prophet). The family to which he was born was that of religious scholars.

His mother is the daughter of the grand Ayatollah Haj Seyed Ali Madadi Mousavi Ghayeni, a religious scholar from Khorasan province. For many years, he was an instructor of theology, and led religious congregations at the shrine of Imam Reza, in the city of Mashad.

The father of Ayatollah Hashemi Shahroudi was a theologian free from prejudice, at Najaf School of Theology, he was the first instructor of the said school who compiled the lectures of the then highest Islamic authority, Ayatollah Khoei, in the Islamic jurisprudence and methodology.

Ayatollah Shahroudi attended Alavi School, a special school for the Iranian nationals living in Najaf, where he completed elementry education.he immediately attended the school of theology, and successfully completed the elementary levels, in the shortest possible time, thanks to his genius, scholastic aptitude and talent for learning. He then atttended more advanced classes of the then well known jurisprudence.

For several years, he attended the advanced course of Islamic jurisprudence and methodology, thought by His Eminence the martyred grand Ayatollah Seyed Mohammad Bagher Sadr, His Eminence grand Ayatollah Imam Khomeini and His Eminence Ayatollah Khoei.

A remarkable characteristic of Ayatollah Shahroudi is his modern approach to jurisprudential discourses, which is inspired by the innovative ideas of Imam Khomeini and Ayatollah Sadr, and his ability to present those issues in such a manner that could address the contemporary requirements of the Islamic government.

As an outstanding student of the advance courses of theology, he was always favoured by his professors, Imam Khomeini and Ayatollah sadr. Imam Khomeini had instructed the officials of Najaf School of Theology who where responsible for payment of stipends, to pay special attention to the young Shahroudi, and provide him with sufficient financial means. Ayatollah Sadr who was extremely conservative in recognizing the qualification of the graduates of the school of theology as independent jurists (mojtahed), granted such certification (known as ejtihad) to Ayatollah Shahroudi. As a young theologian in his early thirties, he was admired by his professor, Ayatollah Sadr, with such phrases as:

"he is jurist with a promising future who can be the source of inspiration for the muslims. May God the Almighty bless him and protect his as a reserve for the Islamic faith."

Beore the victory of the Islamic Revolution in Iran, and at the climax of the struggles of the Iranian people against the despotic rule of the Shah, under the leadership of Imam Khomeini, the Bathist regime of Iraq stormed Najaf School of Theology in 1974, and arrested a number of the Iranian religious scholars, including the students of Ayatollah sadr.

Ayatollah Shahroudi was among those who were arrested and put to jail, where he was tortured. After some while, he was released as a result of the mediation of the religious scholars and authorities. After the victory of the Islamic Revolution in Iran, and following the demonstrations staged by the Iraqi people and the revolt of the people of Najaf, the Iraqi regime once again sought ot prersecute Ayatollah Shahroudi. However, this time the Iraqi agents failed to arrest him, because he had already left for his homeland, the Islamic Iran.

Upon returning to Iran, he was assigned by Imam Khomeini to act as a liaison between Imam and the freedom fighters outside Iran, in particular Ayatollah Sadr and Najaf School of Theology. As a result of his ceaseless efforts, the committed forces and sympathizers of the Islamic Revolution were mobilized. Upon instructions from His Eminence Ayatollah Khamenei, who was then assigned by Imam Khomeini in charge of Islamic movements, Ayatollah Shahroudi organized and led the Society of Militant Iraqi Clergies and the Iraq's Supreme Islamic Assembly.

In a meeting of the Supreme Assembly with Imam Khomeimi. His Eminence asked Ayatollah Shahroudi to pursue the responsibility of teaching at Aum School of Theology as his highest priority, and to conduct studies on the Islamic jurisprudence, particularly the studies aimed at revitalization of the discourse concerning the concept of government, based on proper reasoning and inference of the Shiite Jurisprudence.

In response to the said advice, Ayatollah Shahroudi began a teaching career (since March 21 1979, the date of his arrival in Iran), in the city of Qom, where he taught advanced courses of Islamic Jurisprudence and methodology.

Some of the books authored by Ayatollah Shahroudi, that were used as textbooks in his classes of Islamic jurisprudence and methodology are:

Islamic Criminal Law (Discretionary)

The Book of Khoms(religious tax), in two volumes.

Hire, Sale, Dormant Partnership, Co-partnership, Agricultural and Cultivation Partnership etc

The lectures of Ayatollah Shahroudi in the advanced course of Islamic methodology and those of Ayatollah Sadr, compiled by Ayatollah Shahroudi, have been published in seven volumes under the title "Discourses in Islamic Methodology".

In line with his modern approach to the Islamic Jurisprudence, which is compatible with the contemporary requirements of the muslim societies, Ayatollah Shahroudi has organized the following cultural endeavours:

Congress of the Impact of Time & Geography on the Thoughts of Imam Khomeini.

1st Congress of the Encyclopedia of Islamic Jurisprudence.

Both congresses were vastly welcomed by the scholars from both the schools of theology and universities.

A series of essays of Ayatollah Shahroudi on Such contemporary topics as civil liability, devaluation of money, compensation, personal knowledge of the judge, clandestine revolt against legitimate government, corruption, retaliation etc. have been published in the quarterly :Jurisprudence of Prophet's Progeny".

In the action assigning Ayatollah Shahroudi with the task of establishing the Institute of Encyclopedia of Islamic Juisprudence, His Eminence Ayatollah Khamenei, the Leader has addressed Ayatollah Shahroudi as follows.

In View of your qualifications as an outstanding academic figure with a high standing in Islamic jurisprudence and related disciplines, I assign you with the task of establishing the Institute of the Encyclopedia of Islamic Jurisprudence.

Along with his academic career, Ayatollah Shahroudi has also undertaken crucial responsibilities, which have been properly fulfilled by His Eminence. some of his positions both before and after taking office as head of the judiciary are:

Jurist member of th Counciul of Guardians.

Member of Assembly of Experts.

Member of Supreme Management Council of Qum School of Theology.

Vice-Chairman of Association of Instructors of Qum School of Theology.

The most important responsibility undertaken by Ayatollah Shahroudi during the recent years is establishment of the Institute of the Encyclopedia of the Islamic Jurisprudence, based on the teachings of the Prophet's progeny, which is presided by him, by the charter of the Leader, His Eminence Ayatollah Khamenei.

Thanks to the efforts of Ayatollah Hashemi Shahroudi, this institute has managed to publish numerous volumes of valuable works on the Islamic jurisprudence and theology.

Along with publication of books, this institute publishes two quarterlies: "Jurisprudence of the Prophet's Progeny" in Persian and "Al-Menhaj" in Arabic, the latter being published by the institute's branch in Lebanon.

The areas covered by this quarterlies include studies on the latest Shiite viewpoints of jurisprudence addressing the contemporary issues.

While serving at the Supreme Management Council of Qum School of Theology and the Association of Instructors of Qum School of Theology, His Eminence has presented new plans towards enhancing the efficiency of the said school. He has also put forth useful proposals towards enhancing the efficiency of the Council of Guardians. After taking office as Head of the Judiciary, he launched the project known as "judicial development". The society and the judicial system have greatly benefited from the endeavours of Ayatololah Shahroudi in the capacity of the Head of the judiciary. The idea of "judicial development", as viewed by Ayatollah Seyed Mahmoud Hashemi Shahroudi, is the corner stone for reformation of the judicial system towards achieving a developed judicial system based on the teachings and doctrines of Islam. "

BBC NEWS | Middle East | Profile: Ayatollah Shahrudi

2004-12-23T05:30:00.000-08:00

BBC NEWS | Middle East | Profile: Ayatollah Shahrudi: "Profile: Ayatollah Shahrudi

Ayatollah Shahrudi: Head of the judiciary
Ayatollah Shahrudi has been head of Iran's judiciary since 1999. He is seen as close to both the president and the Supreme Leader.
In December 1999, he pledged to cooperate with President Khatami in reforming the judiciary.

About 40 people, including judges, were arrested in December 2000 in a crackdown on bribery and corruption in the country's courts. Ayatollah Shahrudi has also spearheaded a fight against economic crime.

When a row broke out in December 2001 between the conservative judiciary and the reform-dominated parliament over the jailing of an MP, he was asked by the government to intervene.

In a move seen as an olive branch to reformers, he suggested that the heads of the judiciary, legislature and executive should meet to resolve the issue.

However, tensions between the judiciary and other branches of power in Iran have persisted.

In December 2002, the judiciary spokesman resigned in protest at its involvement in politics.

In April 2003, journalists complained in an open letter to Ayatollah Shahrudi that the judiciary was infringing their constitutional rights.

Later that month, he approved the promotion of a hardline judge, said to be behind newspaper closures."

Biography of Ayatollah Shahrudi

2004-12-22T19:47:00.000-08:00

New Page 1: "Biography of Ayatollah Shahrudi

In the Name of Allah, the Compassionate, the Merciful

Ayatollah Seyed Mahmoud Hashemi, born in August 1948, in Najaf, Iraq, is the son of the late Ayatollah Seyed Ali Hosseini Sharoudi, the progeny of one of the well-known families of the city of Shahroud, in the north of Iran, known as "Sadat Hosseini" (the descendents of the Prophet). The family to which he was born was that of religious scholars.

His mother is the daughter of the grand Ayatollah Haj Seyed Ali Madadi Mousavi Ghayeni, a religious scholar from Khorasan province. For many years, he was an instructor of theology, and led religious congregations at the shrine of Imam Reza, in the city of Mashad.

The father of Ayatollah Hashemi Shahroudi was a theologian free from prejudice, at Najaf School of Theology, he was the first instructor of the said school who compiled the lectures of the then highest Islamic authority, Ayatollah Khoei, in the Islamic jurisprudence and methodology.

Ayatollah Shahroudi attended Alavi School, a special school for the Iranian nationals living in Najaf, where he completed elementry education.he immediately attended the school of theology, and successfully completed the elementary levels, in the shortest possible time,

For several years, he attended the advanced course of Islamic jurisprudence and methodology, thought by His Eminence the martyred grand Ayatollah Seyed Mohammad Bagher Sadr, His Eminence grand Ayatollah Imam Khomeini and His Eminence Ayatollah Khoei.

A remarkable characteristic of Ayatollah Shahroudi is his modern approach to jurisprudential discourses, which is inspired by the innovative ideas of Imam Khomeini and Ayatollah Sadr, and his ability to present those issues in such a manner that could address the contemporary requirements of the Islamic government.

As an outstanding student of the advance courses of theology, he was always favoured by his professors, Imam Khomeini and Ayatollah sadr. Imam Khomeini had instructed the officials of Najaf School of Theology who where responsible for payment of stipends, to pay special attention to the young Shahroudi, and provide him with sufficient financial means. Ayatollah Sadr who was extremely conservative in recognizing the qualification of the graduates of the school of theology as independent jurists (mojtahed), granted such certification (known as ejtihad) to Ayatollah Shahroudi. As a young theologian in his early thirties, he was admired by his professor, Ayatollah Sadr, with such phrases as:

"he is jurist with a promising future who can be the source of inspiration for the muslims. May God the Almighty bless him and protect his as a reserve for the Islamic faith."

Beore the victory of the Islamic Revolution in Iran, and at the climax of the struggles of the Iranian people against the despotic rule of the Shah, under the leadership of Imam Khomeini, the Bathist regime of Iraq stormed Najaf School of Theology in 1974, and arrested a number of the Iranian religious scholars, including the students of Ayatollah sadr.

Ayatollah Shahroudi was among those who were arrested and put to jail, where he was tortured. After some while, he was released as a result of the mediation of the religious scholars and authorities. After the victory of the Islamic Revolution in Iran, and following the demonstrations staged by the Iraqi people and the revolt of the people of Najaf, the Iraqi regime once again sought ot prersecute Ayatollah Shahroudi. However, this time the Iraqi agents failed to arrest him, because he had already left for his homeland, the Islamic Iran.

Upon returning to Iran, he was assigned by Imam Khomeini to act as a liaison between Imam and the freedom fighters outside Iran, in particular Ayatollah Sadr and Najaf School of Theology. As a result of his ceaseless efforts, the committed forces and sympathizers of the Islamic Revolution were mobilized. Upon instructions from His Eminence Ayatollah Khamenei, who was then assigned by Imam Khomeini in charge of Islamic movements, Ayatollah Shahroudi organized and led the Society of Militant Iraqi Clergies and the Iraq's Supreme Islamic Assembly.

In a meeting of the Supreme Assembly with Imam Khomeimi. His Eminence asked Ayatollah Shahroudi to pursue the responsibility of teaching at Aum School of Theology as his highest priority, and to conduct studies on the Islamic jurisprudence, particularly the studies aimed at revitalization of the discourse concerning the concept of government, based on proper reasoning and inference of the Shiite Jurisprudence.

In response to the said advice, Ayatollah Shahroudi began a teaching career (since March 21 1979, the date of his arrival in Iran), in the city of Qom, where he taught advanced courses of Islamic Jurisprudence and methodology.

Some of the books authored by Ayatollah Shahroudi, that were used as textbooks in his classes of Islamic jurisprudence and methodology are:

Islamic Criminal Law (Discretionary)

The Book of Khoms(religious tax), in two volumes.

Hire, Sale, Dormant Partnership, Co-partnership, Agricultural and Cultivation Partnership etc

The lectures of Ayatollah Shahroudi in the advanced course of Islamic methodology and those of Ayatollah Sadr, compiled by Ayatollah Shahroudi, have been published in seven volumes under the title "Discourses in Islamic Methodology".

In line with his modern approach to the Islamic Jurisprudence, which is compatible with the contemporary requirements of the muslim societies, Ayatollah Shahroudi has organized the following cultural endeavours:

Congress of the Impact of Time & Geography on the Thoughts of Imam Khomeini.

1st Congress of the Encyclopedia of Islamic Jurisprudence.

Both congresses were vastly welcomed by the scholars from both the schools of theology and universities.

A series of essays of Ayatollah Shahroudi on Such contemporary topics as civil liability, devaluation of money, compensation, personal knowledge of the judge, clandestine revolt against legitimate government, corruption, retaliation etc. have been published in the quarterly :Jurisprudence of Prophet's Progeny".

In the action assigning Ayatollah Shahroudi with the task of establishing the Institute of Encyclopedia of Islamic Juisprudence, His Eminence Ayatollah Khamenei, the Leader has addressed Ayatollah Shahroudi as follows.

In View of your qualifications as an outstanding academic figure with a high standing in Islamic jurisprudence and related disciplines, I assign you with the task of establishing the Institute of the Encyclopedia of Islamic Jurisprudence.

Along with his academic career, Ayatollah Shahroudi has also undertaken crucial responsibilities, which have been properly fulfilled by His Eminence. some of his positions both before and after taking office as head of the judiciary are:

Jurist member of th Counciul of Guardians.

Member of Assembly of Experts.

Member of Supreme Management Council of Qum School of Theology.

Vice-Chairman of Association of Instructors of Qum School of Theology.

The most important responsibility undertaken by Ayatollah Shahroudi during the recent years is establishment of the Institute of the Encyclopedia of the Islamic Jurisprudence, based on the teachings of the Prophet's progeny, which is presided by him, by the charter of the Leader, His Eminence Ayatollah Khamenei.

Thanks to the efforts of Ayatollah Hashemi Shahroudi, this institute has managed to publish numerous volumes of valuable works on the Islamic jurisprudence and theology.

Along with publication of books, this institute publishes two quarterlies: "Jurisprudence of the Prophet's Progeny" in Persian and "Al-Menhaj" in Arabic, the latter being published by the institute's branch in Lebanon.

The areas covered by this quarterlies include studies on the latest Shiite viewpoints of jurisprudence addressing the contemporary issues.

While serving at the Supreme Management Council of Qum School of Theology and the Association of Instructors of Qum School of Theology, His Eminence has presented new plans towards enhancing the efficiency of the said school. He has also put forth useful proposals towards enhancing the efficiency of the Council of Guardians. After taking office as Head of the Judiciary, he launched the project known as "judicial development". The society and the judicial system have greatly benefited from the endeavours of Ayatololah Shahroudi in the capacity of the Head of the judiciary. The idea of "judicial development", as viewed by Ayatollah Seyed Mahmoud Hashemi Shahroudi, is the corner stone for reformation of the judicial system towards achieving a developed judicial system based on the teachings and doctrines of Islam."

Biography of Ali Younesi, Minister of Intelligence

2004-12-22T18:37:00.001-08:00

: "Biography of Ali Younesi, Minister of Intelligence

Name and Surname: Ali Younesi

Date of Birth: 1955

Place of Birth: Nahavand

Marital Status: Married

Education: Completed theological studies under tutelage of grand Aayatollahs such as Ayatollah Momen, Ayatollah Gilani, Ayatollah Saneie, Ayatollah Ahmad Mianji, Ayatollah Janati and a number of others, and philosophy under tutelage of Ayatollah Mesbah Yazdi, Ayatollah Hassan-zadeh Amoli, Ayatollah Javadi Amoli and interpretation with Ayatollah Mesbah Yazdi and Ayatollah Marefat.

In 1974, after successfully passing the three-stage exams of theological studies, he started the Fiqh with grand Ayatollahs Golpaygani, Meshgini, Haj Mirza Hashem Amoli, Vahid Khorasani and Yousef Saneie and received certificate of theological studies from the grand Ayatollah Meshgini and Ayatollah Momen in 1980. His Ijtihad was endorsed by the grand Ayatollah Saneie and he grand Ayatollah Gilani.

Alongside his Fiqh and theological studies, Younesi attended university, receiving BA in Education from the Faculty of Judiciary and Educational Sciences and an MA in political science with focus on national security in 1997

Record of Political Activism:

Hojatoleslam Younesi was attracted to political activities while living in his hometown of Nahavand and after the late Imam Khomeini was sent to exile he became actively involved in organizing revolutionary speeches of Ayatollah Qodoosi and martyr Heidari. He stepped up his anti-Shah activities after learning about Abouzar group and joining it. After the arrest of the key members of the group by SAVAK, the secret police of the Shah, he reorganized the group with the help of other activists.

After moving to the city of Qom, he became familiar with revolutionary cells and groups of the theological centers and in 1975 in order to evade arrest by SAVAK agents, he left Iran and moved to guerilla camps of Palestine and Lebanon and learned guerilla warfare from martyr Montazeri.

After returning to Iran, once again he was under pursuit of SAVAK agents for having resumed his political activities, distributing tracts, recruiting sympathizers and activists and delivering revolutionary speeches, especially the speech he delivered in the city of Khomein at the invitation of Ayatollah Pasandideh, to mark the 40th day of the passing away of Haj Mostafa Khomeini, son of the late Imam Khomeini. During the anti-Shah uprising, he was arrested in Nahavand in 1978 and was transferred to SAVAK headquarters of the city of Hamedan, after being severely tortured.

Executive and Management Record:

His responsibilities and posts after the victory of the 1979 Islamic revolution are as follows:

- Appointed Religious Judge of the 7-member Land Ceding Council of the city of Qom, with a decree by ayatollah Meshgini, 1980

- Appointed as Head of the Revolutionary Court of Tehran by the late Ayatollah Dr. Beheshti, appointed Religious Judge of Military Revolutionary Tribunals of the army by the High Judiciary Council, 1984

- Head of the Politico-Ideological Bureau of Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps, while holding the portfolio of the Religious Judge of the Military Revolutionary Tribunals, 1982

- Collaboration with Hojatoleslam Rey-shahri in establishing the Information Ministry

- Active role and participation in designing and forming the Judiciary Organization of the Armed Forces of the country, 1986

- Appointed representative of the leadership to oversee the reconstruction of the Intelligence Unit of the army upon the order of Imam Khomeini and a decree by the president of the time, 1986

- Representative of the Acting Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces at the Intelligence Unit of the army, 1987

- Appointed Religious Judge of the Judicial Affairs of the Families of Martyrs by the leader, 1990

- Head of the Judiciary Organization of the armed forces of the country (his last post), and many other side missions and key responsibilities.
"

2004-12-22T18:37:00.000-08:00

Hojatoleslam Heidar Moslehi Defends Basij

2004-12-22T18:22:00.000-08:00

RFE/RL Iran Report: "KHORRAMABAD: ONE MORE REPORT COMING. So far, 150 people have been arrested in connection with the late-August clashes in Khorramabad between a reformist student group, hardline vigilantes, and security forces, the Luristan Province Law Enforcement Forces chief said at the beginning of October. But questions, accusations, and counter-accusations persist, although two investigatory bodies have released their findings already. The most recent report -- by the Supreme National Security Council (SNSC) -- has been criticized by hardliners, the earlier state inspectorate's report was criticized by reformists and the SNSC, and a parliamentary report is due in mid-October. And all the contradictory findings by official bodies are undermining public confidence and increasing the masses' cynicism.

The state inspectorate (National Control and Inspection Organization) findings, which were released in mid-September, immediately came under fire from reformist observers (see "RFE/RL Iran Report," 18 September 2000). Judiciary chief Ayatollah Mahmud Hashemi-Shahrudi, under whom the inspectorate operates, rejected the complaints and said the report was "valid and well-documented," IRNA reported on 17 September. The next day, he demanded the punishment of those involved in the riots and who destroyed property.

The SNSC rejected the inspectorate's investigation and its mid-September report. The SNSC presented its own findings on 27 September, following an investigation by officials from the Interior Ministry, the Intelligence and Security Ministry, the Law Enforcement Forces, the Islamic Revolution Guards Corps, and the Basij Mobilization Forces.

According to IRNA, the report said that the gathering of the Office for Strengthening Unity (OSU, or Daftar-i Tahkim-i Vahdat, the largest pro-Khatami student organization) was licensed but that the place and time were "inappropriate." The report condemned the provincial security council for its failure to plan for contingencies, security officials were condemned for poor crisis management, and the report recommended that IRGC and Basij personnel who got involved in the unrest should face legal action. Speakers at the student gathering were condemned for a "lack of due consideration of the religious and Islamic beliefs of the Iranian nation." State broadcasting also reported on the SNSC's findings, which said that Interior Minister Mostafa Tajzadeh's reference to hardline protesters at Khorramabad airport as "fascists" was conveyed to the protesters themselves by provocateurs. There also were references to a "third current" which provoked some of the unrest.

The SNSC report was criticized by the Supreme Leader's representative to the Basij, Hojatoleslam Heidar Moslehi, in a letter that was reprinted in the 2 October "Jomhuri-yi Islami." He denied some of the allegations about the Basij and the IRGC and asked "what could possibly be the purpose of that report other than tarnishing the image of the [IRGC] and the Basij?" The letter went on to suggest that "certain [unnamed] individuals" are trying to undermine confidence in "revolutionary institutions." IRGC and Basij representatives to the SNSC's investigatory committee pointed out inconsistencies between the committee's findings and the report's final conclusions. In a letter to the Interior Minister that was reproduced in the 3 October "Entekhab," second brigadier-generals Qasem Qajavand and Ahmad Ruzbani said the content and phraseology of the report was changed 34 times, so they "object[ed] to the contents of the published document."

Habibollah Asgarowladi-Mosalman of the hardline Islamic Coalition Association added, in the 4 October "Resalat," that the OSU and the pro-Khatami Islamic Iran Participation Party must answer for what happened in Khorramabad. Shiraz parliamentarian Ahmad Shirzad told the 1 October "Iran" that after seeing both earlier reports it was clear that some subjects had been avoided by the investigators. The inspectorate's report was hastily prepared he added, and state broadcasting's coverage of the SNSC report was "totally different from the actual text."

A parliamentary report on Khorramabad is due in mid-October. Khorramabad reporter Abbas Darvand told RFE/RL's Persian Service that the parliamentary investigation found that local Friday prayer leader Hojatoleslam Seyyed Kazem Husseini-Mianji, aided by local broadcast media, stirred up trouble. But as Shushtar representative Mohammad Ali Sheikh told "Iran," "there is no single point of reference which enjoys public acceptability." (Bill Samii)"

History of Iran: Ayatollah Seyed Ali Khamenei

2004-12-20T17:23:00.000-08:00

History of Iran: Ayatollah Seyed Ali Khamenei: "Ayatollah Seyed Ali Khamenei

eyed Ali Khamenei was born in Mashhad, Khorasan province of Iran, in 1939. He began religious studies before completing the elementary education. He attended the classes of masters of "Sath" (seminary lectures based on reading textbooks) and "Kharej" (seminary lectures not based on reading textbooks) in Mashhad, such as Haj Sheikh Hashem Qazvini, and Ayatollah Milani, and then went to Najaf in 1957.

After a short stay he left Najaf to Mashhad, and later he settled in Qom in 1958. Khamenei attended the classes of Ayatollah Boroojerdi and Ayatollah Khomeini. Later He was involved in the Islamic activities of 1963 which led to his arrest in the city of Birjand (Southern Khorasan Province). After a short period he was released and continued his life by teaching in religious schools of Mashhad and holding Nahaj-ul-Balagheh lesson session in different Mosques.

In December 1974, Hojatoleslam Khamenei was arrested at his home by SAVAK (secret police of Shah) and dispatched to the joint committee prison of the police department in Tehran. He was released in autumn 1975, went back to Mashhad, but he was not allowed to hold his public classes.

In 1977, together with some clerics from Qom and Tehran, he established the Jame'ye Rouhaniyat Mobarez (Combatant Clerics Association) which became the basis of the Islamic Republic Party.

In January 1979, Ayatollah Khomeini appointed Hojatoleslam Khamenei as a member of the Revolutionary Council. And in March of the same year, in collaboration with his four brothers, established the Islamic Republic Party. He likewise served in the Central Council of the Party, and as deputy of the Ministry of Defense and representative of the Council in the Ministry, Commander of Islamic Revolution's Guards Corps.

Ayatollah Khomeini appointed him in 1980 to be the leader of the Friday congregational prayers in Tehran. He was also elected as a deputy of the Islamic Consultative Assembly (Majlis) in the same year.

In the summer of 1981, after delivering an important speech in the Majlis which led to the dismissal of the then President Abolhassan Bani-Sadr, an attempt was made on his life by the Mojahedin Khalq Organization (an armed opposition movement) while making a speech in a mosque in Tehran, and his chest and hand were badly injured.

Following the President Mohammad Rajaee's assassination in 1981, Hojatoleslam Khamenei was elected president of the Islamic Republic with 95% of the votes cast in his favour.

He was president for another four years. During this time, he was chairman of the Supreme Defense Council and the Supreme Cultural Revolution Council. In 1989 he received the title of "Ayatollah" from the Theological School of Qom; and on June of same year, by the death of Ayatollah Khomeini's, he was elected Vali-e Faqih (Supreme Leader of the Islamic Republic) by the majority of votes of the Assembly of Experts.

After Ayatollah Araki's death, Ayatollah Khamenei was nominated as one of the sources of imitation by the Qom's Theological School."

"The Origins of Iran's Reformist Elite" (April 2003)

2004-12-20T10:36:00.000-08:00

"The Origins of Iran's Reformist Elite" (April 2003): "The Origins of Iran's Reformist Elite
by Mahan Abedin

Mahan Abedin is an analyst of Iranian politics, educated at the London School of Economics and Political Science.
The confrontation between the reform movement and the conservative establishment that has dominated Iranian politics over the past six years is regarded by many political analysts as having reached a watershed. The refusal of hard-line clerics who control the commanding heights of government to allow further reforms, coupled with President Mohammed Khatami's reluctance to confront the clerical establishment, has led some to predict the rise of a "third force" in Iranian politics - the disaffected public, particularly the youth - and the eventual demise of the regime.[1]

One problem with this type of analysis is that it ignores the essentially elitist nature of the reform movement and exaggerates grassroots pressures for reforms. This so-called "third force" is too amorphous and fractured to buttress even the broadest reform coalition.

The reform movement in Iran is less an outgrowth of popular disenchantment than a reconfiguration of factional politics in the Islamic Republic. While most informed observers are well aware that the most prominent leaders of reform in Iran are products of the Islamic system, it is generally overlooked that most hail from its most sensitive and secret branches - the security and intelligence community. This reformist elite has forged its overall strategy outside the realm of public scrutiny and is not directly influenced by the disenchanted masses.

The Origins of the Reform Movement
The emergence of the reform movement in Iran has its origins in the Islamic Republic's mismanagement of the 1980-1988 war with Iraq and the demise in 1989 of its founder, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. The ascension of Hashemi Rafsanjani to the Presidency and the subsequent efforts by his faction and the Islamic right, led by the newly appointed supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, to sideline the Islamic left caused ripples of dissent in the inner sanctums of the Islamic Republic. These schisms reached a climax in the April 1992 elections for the fourth Majlis (national assembly), when the Council of Guardians (which vets all candidates for elected office and can veto legislation) prevented the majority of Islamic left candidates - including such prominent figures as Behzad Nabavi and Ali Akbar Mohtashami-Pour - from running on the dubious pretext of lacking "revolutionary" credentials.[2]

The genesis of the reformist elite can be located in the efforts of a former high-ranking counter-intelligence officer, Said Hajjarian, to establish a political and intellectual discourse distinct from the mainstream culture of the Islamic Republic. At first glance, Hajjarian appears as an unlikely reformer. Born to a poor family and raised in the desolate slums of south Tehran, Hajjarian was recruited early in his life into Islamic activism and participated in the Islamic revolution of 1979. He was quickly co-opted into the fledgling post-revolutionary regime's nascent Intelligence services. By the time the Ministry of Intelligence and National Security (VEVAK) was formed in early 1984, Hajjarian had already proved himself a highly capable counter-intelligence officer.

Hajjarian left VEVAK in 1989 and promptly established his presence in a reputable think tank. The Center for Strategic Studies (CSS), officially linked to both the research department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and a sub-committee of the Supreme National Security Council, served as an incubator for Hajjarian's reformist strategy and attracted other former officials of the security-intelligence apparatus who would play major roles in the reform movement, including Akbar Ganji, a former Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) intelligence officer;[3] Hamid-Reza Jalaipour, a former high-ranking IRGC officer;[4] Mohsen Armin , a former IRGC commander based in Lebanon;[5] Mohsen Sazegaran, a former senior commander of IRGC ground forces; and Ali Mohammed Mahdavi, a former IRGC intelligence officer.[6]

CSS also included revolutionary figures with indirect ties to the security-intelligence elite. Abbas Abdi was one of the leaders of the 1979 seizure of the American embassy in Tehran. During the mid-1980s, he served as a deputy to the revolutionary prosecutor in Tehran, Mohammed Moussavi-Khoeiniha (who would himself come to be regarded as a "reformist"). Another prominent member of the student group that seized the American embassy, Ebrahim Asghar-Zadeh, was also affiliated with the center. Asghar-Zadeh held a number of sensitive positions in the 1980s, including a stint in the political-ideological department of the IRGC, and was elected to parliament.

The embryonic reform movement at CSS was dominated by several key institutions firmly rooted in the traditions of the Islamic left, including the Majma'e Rohaneeyoone Mobarez (Forum of Militant Clergy),[7] Sazemane Mojahedine Enghelabe Eslami (Organization of the Mojahedin of the Islamic Revolution--OMIR),[8] and the Daftare Tahkeeme Vahdat (Office for Fostering Unity--OSU), a student representative body).

The strategy forged by the embryonic reformist elite was both multi-faceted and incremental. At its most basic level a distinction was made between engagement in intellectual debates and strategizing in the political arena. The embryonic reformist elite had set upon the course of reforming the political and religious culture of the Islamic Republic through a revaluation of the set of revolutionary and religious values, which they themselves had helped to consolidate in the first decade of the Islamic revolution. This was to be buttressed by a simultaneous concerted political assault on the institutions of the Islamic Republic.

The Islamic left believed that the 1979 revolution had failed to deliver on its core promises. Instead of yielding a more prosperous and egalitarian future, it had produced economic decline and inequality. As one brave parliamentarian put it in a heated debate in 1990, the revolution had merely replaced a monarchical feudal system with a clerical feudal system. Ironically, it brought about not a more pious society, but mass secularization. It was this last failing, striking as it does at the very heart of the revolution, that was to become a major focus for the reformists.

The suppressive intellectual and cultural climate during the first half of the 1990s was not conducive to allowing the reformers to assert their presence publicly. Instead they continued to work behind the scenes, with CSS remaining the main coordination center for reform strategists and the only major think tank in the hands of the isolated Islamic left. Another important medium of reformist discourse was a publication established in 1989 called Kian. Although fiercely loyal to the core ideals of the Islamic revolution, it was the first tentatively reformist journal to emerge in the Islamic Republic.

Like CSS, Kian had become an intellectual coordination center for ex-radicals and senior ex-IRGC and VEVAK personnel. Its most influential voice was Mashallah Shamsolvaezin, a radical ideologue who had spent the 1980s serving on the editorial boards of revolutionary publications. Mohammed Soltanifar (the future managing editor of Iran News Daily), who had been the head of the IRGC's paramilitary Basij force in Greater Tehran province, was also a major contributor to Kian. A member of its editorial board, Ali Rabi'i, had been one of the original founders of the IRGC and later transferred to VEVAK and served as a senior officer in its foreign intelligence department until 1994.[9] The editorial and journalistic connections that were forged in Kian proved to be crucial in the proliferation of the reformist press after the 1997 elections

Although the center was a powerful tool to influence social and cultural policies in the Islamic Republic, it was not a sufficient medium through which to form broad coalitions. In the mid-1990s, many in the security-intelligence elite left the center and established themselves as journalists and editors in the main Tehran dailies.

By the time Hashemi Rafsanjani's presidency came to a close in 1997, the security-intelligence elite had established the essential foundations for an effective political movement. Hajjarian and his close associates in the CSS had a comprehensive political strategy to undermine the ascendance of the conservative Islamic right. Erstwhile Islamic radicals and ex-IRGC personnel had acquired the skills and connections to make a massive impact on the press scene of the Islamic Republic.

The Reformist Assault

The surprise election of Mohammed Khatami as president in May 1997 was a turning point in the history of the Islamic Republic, and ushered in the much-awaited political context and climate for the efflorescence of the reformist discourse. After being effectively forced out of the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance in 1992, Khatami retreated into the obscurity of the National Library. There is no evidence that he co-operated with the CSS during this period. However, in addition to being firmly rooted in the Islamic left camp, Khatami is known to have had close long-standing relationships with many of the personalities that dominated the CSS at that time. This included Hajjarian. Indeed rumors have persisted on the fringes of the reform movement that Hajjarian had "recruited" Khatami for stewardship over the reform movement. There is no solid evidence to buttress this claim. However it is clear that Khatami possessed the profile and disposition that endeared him to the security-intelligence elite. The new president shared the same political background and ideological loyalty as the ex-security chiefs and his impeccable religious and revolutionary credentials made him acceptable to the clerical establishment. His discreet and patient disposition was ideal for what would no doubt be a long struggle.

After Khatami's election, the security-intelligence elite began a relentless press campaign to undermine the dominant hard-line ideology and buttress political efforts to reform the institutions of the regime. The emergence of the daily Jame'e in February 1998, edited by Shamsolvaezin, heralded the beginning of the reformist press assault. Over the next three years, dozens of reformist dailies, weeklies and monthlies mushroomed in Iran. This period was marked by repeated attempts by the hard-line judiciary to suppress these mouthpieces of reform. Indeed a pattern emerged whereby the staff of major reformist papers closed by the regime would promptly reestablish these outlets under new names, prompting hard-line political commentators to bemoan "serial newspapers." [10]

Out of the hundreds of journalists and political commentators that emerged in the first few years of the Khatami presidency, only a handful made a truly great impact. Most belonged to the security-intelligence elite. Akbar Ganji's prolific literary and journalistic enterprise consolidated a new form of political language and discourse in the Islamic Republic. He coined the term "degar-baash" (subscribers to different life styles) to emancipate and legitimate cultural diversity, while his neologism "tavaab-saazi" (manufacturing repentants) was designed to discredit illegal practices by the judicial-security apparatus.

Ganji also proved himself as a brilliant investigative journalist. He tirelessly followed up the "serial murders" case of late 1998. His conclusions were damning. While praising VEVAK for accepting responsibility for the murders, which were said to have been perpetrated by "rogue" elements, Ganji set about identifying, and inevitably broadening, the "rogue" circles.[11] In particular, he identified a number of senior clergymen who had acted as spiritual mentors for these "rogue" VEVAK personnel and had issued fatwas against dissident activists and writers.

In addition, Ganji exposed Rafsanjani in a flurry of articles prior to the February 2000 parliamentary elections, in which the ex-president was participating with the undeclared aim of securing the speakership. Ganji's exposés on the financial corruption of Rafsanjani's family and his role in prolonging the eight-year war, as well as his indirect role in the serial murders case, sabotaged his election plans and directly contributed to his humiliating defeat.[12] Furthermore it had become increasingly apparent to the Conservative bastions of the regime that Ganji's exposes on the serial murders case and other matters could not have been made without the assistance of his former friends in IRGC Intelligence. To some in the conservative-controlled judiciary and security services, Ganji epitomized the dangers of "well-connected" reformist elites subverting the Islamic Republic from within. His imprisonment was intended to disrupt the flow of sensitive information from sympathetic elements in the intelligence community to their former comrades.[13]

Hajjarian spent the early years of the Khatami presidency promoting political and journalistic concerns. Alongside Abbas Abdi, Mohsen Mir-Damadi and Mohammed Reza Khatami (President Khatami's brother), Hajjarian established the Islamic Iran Participation Front (IIPF), which subsequently became the main bastion of pro-reform activists. Hajjarian intended the IIPF to mature into a conventional political party. Other prominent reformists shared this hope. The former spymaster's journalistic activities, exemplified by his editorials at the Tehran daily Asr-e-Ma, were designed to engineer the right context and climate for the political fortunes of the IIPF and the wider reform movement.

Hajjarian devoted himself to tackling some of the most important intractable philosophical and political problems of the revolution. His attempts to diminish the powers of the institution of Velayat-e-Faghih, the supreme symbol of clerical hegemony in the Islamic Republic, were designed to champion the "democratic" basis of the revolution at the expense of its metaphysical concoctions. However Hajjarian, like the other chief reformists, was careful not to irremediably sabotage the theoretical foundations of the Islamic State. Indeed he proves himself reluctant to reject theocracy. Instead Hajjarian presents a taxonomy of theocracies: theo-autocracy, theo-aristocracy and theo-democracy. The implications are clear; Iranians can attain representative government within the paradigm of the Islamic State and hence have no need to seek secular solutions. This is not to say Hajjarian does not identify and elucidate the Achilles Heel of the theocratic component of the regime. Through his encyclopedic grasp of both Islamic and Western philosophy, and their historical context, Hajjarian elaborates on certain subtle theoretical and religious facts. The unlikely editorialist tacitly conveys that Shiite Islam, through its inherent penchant for interpretative diversity coupled with its amorphous ecclesiastical structure, is ill equipped to sustain a theocracy in the post-modern age. The theocratic ideology in Iran, therefore, lacks religious, historical, institutional and ideological legitimacy.

Hajjarian's reluctance to deduce the obvious conclusions from his innovative approach to analyzing the theoretical incongruities of the Islamic regime was symptomatic of the security-intelligence elite's inability to irretrievably break with the core ideological premises of the Islamic revolution. Indeed as the conservative forces of the regime escalated their assaults on the vestiges of the reform movement, the elite displayed a unique and bizarre tolerance for the injustices inflicted upon them. As one after another of the prominent reform personalities were attacked or jailed on trumped-up charges, the elite exercised remarkable self-restraint in order not to "destabilize" the Islamic Republic. Hajjarians's own reaction to an attempt on his life which left him partially paralyzed is particularly instructive. He refrained from public displays of bitterness and declared that he had "forgiven" the would-be assassins.[14] Other reform personalities, such as Interior minister Abdollah Nouri and former chief prosecutor Moussavi Khoiniha displayed common traits as they were handed down stiff sentences. They all put up a spirited defense of their ideas and all displayed an unflinching loyalty to the Islamic revolution.

The muzzling of the reform movement, which entered a new intensive phase in August 2000 with the intervention of Ayatollah Khamenei to end a parliamentary debate over press reforms, has seemingly undermined the prospects for fundamental change in the Islamic Republic. However it would be a mistake to underestimate the elite's achievements over the past six years. Through its innovative press assault and relentless attempts to undermine the non-elected institutions and metaphysical concoctions of the regime, the elite sustained the Khatami presidency. Indeed it has been President Khatami's inability to seize opportunities provided by the elite that has contributed to the present sorry state of the reform movement. Khatami proved to be overly patient and displayed excessive compromising proclivities. Nevertheless the elite has shown that there is ample scope within the Islamic Republic for dissent and it provided the more literary and informed sections of the population with the theoretical and practical tools to rationally criticize the regime. In a country with a long history of patrimonial autocracy, marked by a seemingly irremediable gulf between the people and their political elites and distorted development of civic institutions, this can be construed as a major achievement.

However, the reformist elite has also strengthened the Islamic Republic by undermining "illoyal" - and especially armed - opposition. It was Hajjarian who coined the famous Khatamist slogan: "our aim is to turn enemies of the system into critics and critics into supporters." It would be a mistake to interpret small-scale demonstrations demanding more radical reforms as indications of "illoyal" opposition or "third force." Most "radical" demonstrations are organized by student groups that are affiliated with two main organizations, the OFU and the Islamic Society of Students and Graduates (ISSG), both of which are linked to the security-intelligence elite.[15] In the absence of alternative platforms of reform, the Iranian public is unlikely to irremediably break with this elite. This does not mean that the prospect for rapid, violent change in Iran has been forever forestalled, but the likelihood of its occurrence in the future is low.

Many conservative strategists recognize the service rendered to the Islamic Republic by the reformist elite in channeling the public's disenchantment away from radical solutions to an evolutionary activism that operates within the confines of the Islamic Republic's constitution. As a result, fears that the rightwing backlash currently underway will morph into an assault on the reformist movement as a whole are exaggerated.

The reform movement is currently enduring a difficult phase. It has to operate in an environment marked by ever bolder assaults by the conservatives and increasing public disaffection with the political process. Indeed, the conservative assault is encouraged in part by the increasing disillusionment of the public with the reformers and their failure to deliver on some of their key promises. The recent national municipal elections, in which the reformers suffered a resounding defeat, is a good indication of the alienation felt by the pro-reform public (the vast majority of whom did not vote in the elections). Innovative moves are needed to re-engage the public with the political system. The IIPF, for example, is preparing to nominate a non-clerical candidate for the 2005 presidential elections. Rather than seeking to satisfy the Council of Guardians, it is hoping to put forth a candidate that will cut through public apathy and invigorate the reform movement.

Notes

[1] See Jahangir Amouzegar, "Iran's Crumbling Revolution," Foreign Affairs Vol. 82, No. 1, Januray/February 2003.
[2] Behzad Nabavi, who had started his political career in the Communist Tudeh Party and later converted to political Islam, had been a chief ideologue and troubleshooter of the Islamic Republic from the beginning. He had also played a crucial role in the negotiations to free the American embassy hostages in 1980-1981. Mohtashami-Pour had been an Interior Minister for four years and was widely regarded as playing a crucial role in the formation of the Lebanese Hezbollah movement in his capacity as Iran's ambassador to Syria in the early 1980s.
[3] Ganji has consistently denied any affiliation with the intelligence organs of the IRGC. In an article published in the reformist daily Aftab-e-Emrooz on February 16, 2000, Ganji claimed that he worked in the Political-Ideological Directorate" of the IRGC, but this department is intimately linked with IRGC intelligence. Ganji's assertions also appeared in the reformist dailies Fath and Sobhe Emrooz on the following day.
[4] Hamid-Reza Jalaipour joined the IRGC immediately after its official formation in May 1979. Later that year, he was dispatched to Kurdistan to assist in the quelling of a Kurdish separatist insurgency. He was made governor of Naqadeh for 18 months. Afterwards, he was made the governor of Mahabad for 4 years and then served as a political deputy to the provincial governor for 4 years. During this entire period he was organizationally affiliated to the IRGC. Iranian Kurdistan, because of its special political and security climate, was the only province in the country where IRGC personnel were involved in administrative and political affairs.
[5] Mohsen Armin was attached to the IRGC's General Command in the Lebanon from 1983-1989. After the 1997 election of Mohammed Khatami, he became editor in chief of Asr-e-Ma weekly.
[6] Mahdavi went on to form the reformist daily Gozaresh-e-Ruz after the 1997 election. The paper was closed down in April 2000 as part of the wider crackdown against the reformist press.
[7] The Forum of Militant Clergy represents clerics affiliated with the left-wing factions of the Islamic Republic. Ali Akbar Mohtashami-Pour (a former Interior Minister and widely recognized as one of the founders of Lebanese Hezbollah) is a leading member of the organization. The FMC has a right wing counterpart in the form of the Jame'eye Rohaneeyate Mobarez (Society of Militant Clergy). The SMC represents the more traditional Bazaar-oriented clerical establishment. Many prominent clerics of the Islamic Republic are either members of the SMC or affiliated to it.
[8] The OMIR was formed in March 1979 by a collection of small Islamic groups. The original founders of OMIR went on to forge the IRGC in May 1979 and many OMIR members subsequently joined the IRGC. It has, ever since, maintained intimate links with the Revolutionary Guards. These links are primarily personal rather than organisational. Behzad Nabavi assumed leadership over the OMIR in 1980. Amongst the left wing forces of the Islamic Republic, the OMIR has been the most vociferous exponent of championing the "Republican" aspect of the regime at the expense of its "Islamic" component. Hashem Aghajari, who was recently handed a death sentence, is a senior leader of OMIR.
[9] Rabi'i's intelligence career has been subject to widespread speculation and misreporting. There have been claims that he headed the IRGC's Intelligence Directorate in the years 1981-1987. Rabi'i became the editor of the Kar-o-Karegar daily after the 1997 elections. Soon afterwards, Khatami appointed him executive secretary for the Supreme National Security Council. Currently he is Khatami's senior advisor on intelligence and security issues.
[10] The fate of the daily Jame'e is particularly instructive. After its closure in June 1998, it quickly reappeared as Tus. After that license was revoked, the paper reemerged as Neshat. After its closure, Neshat appropriated the dormant license of Akhbar and resumed publication as Akhbar-e-Eghtesad. Other Neshat personnel were employed by Asr-e-Azadegan, which after its closure was succeeded by the weekly Goonagoon. Until its forced closure, this weekly employed staff from Tus, Neshat and Asr-e-Azadegan. Later on, former Jame'e staff and editorialists set up the Aftab-e-Emrooz, which was itself closed down in April 2000.
[11] The VEVAK had conceded that the head of its Internal Security Directorate, the US-educated Saeed Emami, had masterminded the murders. Ganji opines that the orders for the killings must have originated from more senior positions. He directly implicates former Intelligence Minister Ali Fallahian in the murders. He also identifies clergymen such as Ruhollah Hosseinian, Mohseni Ege'ey and Mesbah-e-Yazdi, who had had links with the Intelligence networks that had planned and executed the killings. Most controversially of all, Ganji asserts that extra-judicial killings in the Islamic Republic started with the Presidency of Hashemi Rafsanjani. Ganji claims that dozens of dissident activists and writers were murdered by rogue VEVAK elements during the period from 1990-1998.
[12] A famous article by Ganji, entitled "Aleejenab Sorkhpoosh" (Eminence Rouge), which appeared in Sobhe Emrooz on 19 January 2000 was particularly devastating. In this article, Ganji critically assesses Rafsanjani's role in a series of issues including the eight war with Iraq, the serial murders case and the wider abuses committed by the intelligence services.
[13] Ganji was tried on charges of attempting to subvert the Islamic Republic by attending a controversial conference in Berlin in April 2000. He was sentenced to ten years in jail to be followed by five years in internal exile.
[14] The assailants were a group of young men with loose connections to the Basij (the paramilitary wing of the IRGC). There is no evidence that the assassination was part of a wider conspiracy. Indeed, it seems that it was a clumsy plan concocted by a group of over-zealous youngsters. Any serious discussion of a "conspiracy" in this matter must grapple with an obvious fact: if certain forces in the security services had been out to kill Hajjarian, they would have surely succeeded.
[15] The full name of the OSU is Daftare Tahkeeme Vahdate Hozeh va Daneshgah (The office for fostering unity between the University and the Seminary). It was created in 1979 as a mechanism to engender dialogue between the universities and the religious seminaries. The organisation became highly active in the 1980s after the reopening of the universities after a 2-year closure and was a powerful tool in the hands of the organizers of the "cultural revolution." By the late 1980s, it had matured into a student representative body and was asserting its independence from the cultural and higher education institutions of the Islamic Republic. Its most prominent leaders have been Heshmatollah Tabarzdi and Ali Afshari. Tabarzadi split from the OFU in 1990 and set up the ISGC. In its early years, the ISSG gravitated towards the Islamic right. However it returned to the fold of the OFU in the mid 1990s."

Ali Shamkhani, Minister of Defense

2004-12-20T08:28:00.000-08:00

HOME: "Ali Shamkhani, Minister of Defense

Born in 1955, B.Sc. in Agricultural Engineering, M.Sc. in Administration
Former Posts: Minister of Defense, Commander of IRGC Ground Force and Marine Force
A Few Challenges: Proving that Iran, while being situated in a relatively unstable region, follows a peaceful strategy in developing its defense systems and foreign relations"

Iran to tap natural resources, Khatami and Ghannadi-Maragheh

2004-12-20T08:07:00.000-08:00

RFE/RL Newsline, 03-02-10: "IRAN PLANS TO EXPLOIT URANIUM
President Hojatoleslam Mohammad Khatami said in a 9 February meeting with university teachers and officials from the Ministry of Science, Research, and Technology that the Iranian government plans to exploit uranium mines near Yazd and set up plants in Isfahan and Kashan to extract uranium for electricity generation, IRNA reported. The Saghand uranium-ore deposit in Yazd has an estimated reserve of 3,000-5,000 tons, and in October 1989 Iran announced that it had built a milling plant near the mine. Dariush Forughi, who heads Iran's Center for Research on Energy and Environment, said Iran has 12,000 tons of uranium reserves, "Hamshahri" daily reported on 23 June. M. Ghannadi-Maragheh, deputy head of the Atomic Energy Organization of Iran, asserted in a paper for the World Nuclear Association Annual Symposium 2002 that Iranian uranium exploration began in the 1970s and has continued over the last two decades (http://www.world-nuclear.org/sym/2002/ghannadi.htm). BS "

Mohammad Ghannadi-Maragheh on Ardekan [Ardakan] Fuel Mill

2004-12-20T08:04:00.000-08:00

Ardekan [Ardakan] Nuclear Fuel Site - Iran Special Weapons Facilities: "A new site under construction is the Ardekan Nuclear Fuel Unit. This site, reportedly scheduled to be completed in mid-2005, is located at the 33rd kilometer (20.5 miles) of the Ardekan-Choupanau Road. This project is supervised by an engineer named Farhad Vadoudfaam, under the supervision of the directorate of the nuclear fuel of the Atomic Energy Organization of Iran (AEOI). The Executive Director of this project is an engineer named Baghesfani. The central office of this site is located in the city of Ardekan at Shahda Square, Picheh Tazel, next to Ausari High School, number 48. One of the affiliate companies of the AEOI is doing the consulting for this site.

Mohammad Ghannadi-Maragheh, Vice President for Nuclear Fuel Production of the Atomic Energy Organization of Iran (AEOI), discussed the project at the World Nuclear Association Annual Symposium held in London 3-5 September 2003. He said that an uranium mill with an annual capacity of 120,000 metric tonnes of ore and an annual output of 50 metric tonnes of uranium is being built 35 km north of Ardakan city."

Mohammad Ghannadi-Maragheh on fuel cladding

2004-12-20T08:01:00.000-08:00

RADIO FREE EUROPE/ RADIO LIBERTY: "IRAN CAN PRODUCE CLADDING FOR NUCLEAR FUEL RODS
The head of Isfahan's Research and Fuel Production Center, Mansur Habashizadeh, said on 25 October that Iranian scientists can produce cladding for uranium rods, state television reported. He added that zirconium will be used as the casing for nuclear fuel in reactors, and then threw in that Iranian scientists can make 99.99 percent pure "manganese." Either Habashizadeh did not explain the connection between all these developments clearly, or state television did not provide his explanation. Zirconium, which will be made at the Zirconium Production Plant (ZPP), is necessary in nuclear installations as fuel cladding, the Iranian Atomic Energy Organization's vice president for nuclear fuel production, Mohammad Ghannadi-Maragheh, reported in his paper for the World Nuclear Association's Annual Symposium 2003 (http://www.world-nuclear.org/sym/2003/ghannadi.htm). He added that high-purity magnesium is required for making zirconium sponge, so a magnesium production unit has been built next to the sponge unit. BS"

Iranian Defense Minister Shamkhani on Iran's Defense Doctrine

2004-12-20T07:01:00.000-08:00

Special Dispatch Series - No. 502: "Iranian Defense Minister on Iran's Defense Doctrine

In an interview with the conservative Iranian daily Siasat-e Rouz in February 2003, Iranian Defense Minister 'Ali Shamkhani spoke of Iran's defense doctrine. According to 'Ali Shamkhani, Iran was forced to develop weapons against "a broad spectrum of threats," including "foreign aggression, war, border incidents, espionage, sabotage, regional crises derived from the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, organized crime, and state terrorism." Shamkhani also emphasized Iran's ability to develop its own conventional weapons, including helicopters, submarines, warships, and Shihab missiles.[1] The following the main points of the interview:[2]

Iran's Defense Strategy
Siasat-e Rouz: "What are Iran's 'strategic defensive' foundations [during] this sensitive period?"

Shamkhani: "There are turning points in the defense policy of countries in the Middle East. This stems from changed circumstances and changed defense structures. The regional and the international environment are also worthy of attention. Thus, in order to assure national security in a changing international environment, it is necessary to incorporate changes in Iran's defense structure."

"The years following the victory of the [1979] Islamic Revolution saw extensive changes in the environment of Iran and on its fronts. This can be understood as a result of the uniqueness of Iran's security environment… During this process, we encountered threats, some of which have internal structural roots, and some of which originate from regional and international influence."

"In order to cope effectively with these types of threats, Iran's defense structure and defense future are based on a foundation of 'strategic deterrent defense.' This [strategy] does not in any way contradict the patterns of reliance on diplomatic relations, but must be understood as 'complementary programs' in a process of creating bilateral and multilateral links [among its various elements]."

"Deterrent defense means that in no way will Iran take an offensive measure. We are in struggle to sustain the enemy's first strike. The first strike will not lead to surrender, but it should be seen as a warning. Under these conditions, if there is the [capability] to sustain a first strike, there is a basis for [Iranian] secondary resistance against the threats. Thus, Iran's objectives are of a defensive nature."

"However, defense from 'surprise threats' means adopting a means of deterrence. Defensive deterrence causes the enemy to relinquish the threats. Because under such circumstances every country must [take into consideration] the risk it runs if it takes offensive measures against Iran."

Siaset-e Rouz: "Can you clarify Iran's defense capabilities in the face of a possible attack?"

Shamkhani: "There can be no deterrent defense without military means. After the war [with Iraq], for years we struggled to increase our own defense capabilities, to lower to a minimum the enemy's motivation to attack Iran. Thus, an efficient plan to reduce the elements likely to tempt countries in the region and superpowers [to attack Iran] was devised."

"One of the ways of Iran's defense and national security must be reflected in manufacturing new armaments so as to achieve deterrence. This process began after the war that Iraq forced upon Iran and continued in the 1990s. In the second half of the 1990s, and in the new decade, an effective and long-awaited result was achieved. Thus, the main goal of Iranian defense must [now] be manifested in the consolidation of an effective national [strategy]…"

"Due to the need for 'self-reliance,' a basis for the production of armaments made by the Iranian defense [industry] was created. [This is because] classical weapons alone cannot fully meet the state's defense needs. Some of the research and development by Iran's defense industry is important, because through it, defense needs can be guaranteed."

Siaset-e Rouz: "What is your analysis of Iran's future defense doctrine?"

Shamkhani:"The trend of regional and international insecurity is rising. The countries in the region suffer from chronic insecurity. Conditions of insecurity lead to the appearance of new conflicts among the powers. This is the basis for the appearance of new instability and activity by extremist forces."

"Under such conditions, we must build Iran's national security doctrine so that it can deal with the new insecurity and with a broad spectrum of threats to Iran's national security, among them foreign aggression, war, border incidents, espionage, sabotage, regional crises derived from the proliferation of WMD, state terrorism, and discrimination in manufacturing and storing WMD. All the above shows that the UN is powerless. Therefore, Iran has set 'confronting and neutralizing the threats' [at the heart] of its defense and security doctrine. Military power is important for us, and serves as the basis for our security..."

"For this reason, Iran's national security doctrine is based on three elements: The first includes the 'security environment.' The second and third are 'hard [security] means' and 'soft security means.' Since the security environment of Iran is based on surprise and hostility, the 'hard means' of the security doctrine must be the enhancing of defense and security capabilities. The soft means of the national defense doctrine include strategic principles, political legitimacy, and influence over the elements of [the populace's] faith. Therefore, an emphasis is placed on the principle of self-reliance, constant training, and mobility [of forces], enabling all the elements to materialize. This will make the confrontation with new threats easier."

Additional Elements in Iran's Defense Policy

Iran attaches great importance to the Persian Gulf region and views it as vital to its security. The increased American presence in the Gulf is perceived as a direct threat to it. Also, securing the safe flow of Iranian oil through the Persian Gulf is essential to Iran's economy, and is perceived as a national interest.

At a conference on the Gulf region recently held in Tehran, Iranian Foreign Minister Kamal Kharrazi said that "security in the Persian Gulf has always been the 'No. 1 priority' for Iran." Kharrazi called for the adoption of collective measures by Persian Gulf countries to ensure the security of the region, in light of the expansion of the American presence in the Gulf even prior to the war in Iraq.[3]

Defense Minister 'Ali Shamkhani also stressed the importance of the Gulf for the security of Iran in an interview with the London Arabic-language daily Al-Quds Al-Arabi, in which he said that Iranian defense policy was diligently focused on developing defense cooperation with all the Gulf states. He said that Iran was capable of "finding a new pattern in the areas of [regional] defense and security."[4]

Recently, Iranian Foreign Minister Kharrazi revealed another strategic element in Iran's security policy which the Foreign Ministry is attempting to promote; an attempt to create a regional defense system in the Caucasus, to include all Caucasian countries (Azerbijan, Armenia, and Georgia) as well as Iran, Russia, and Turkey. To this end, he offered Iran's services in resolving the Nagorno-Karabach dispute between Armenia and Azerbijan, and claimed that, "stability in Armenia is in line with [Iran's] national interests." Kharrazi defined security and defense in the Caucasus as "an integral part of Iran's regional interests."[5]

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

[1]It should be noted that mid and long-range Iranian-made missiles such as the Shihab 3 and Shihab 4 are not considered conventional weapons by the West, but strategic WMD.

[2]Siasat-e Rouz, February 18, 2003.

[3]IRNA, February 18, 2003.

[4]Al-Quds Al-Arabi (London), March 14, 2003.

[5]IRNA, May 1, 2003."

Iran's Defense Minister, Ali Shamkhani

2004-12-20T06:55:00.000-08:00

More than Don Quixote: "More than Don Quixote
by Nooredin Abedian
05 February 2004

Iran's Defense Minister, Ali Shamkhani, is a bit more than a mere big-mouthed version of Cervantes' lovely hero.

Iran's Defense Minister, Ali Shamkhani, is seen by certain experts as the Islamic Republic's true Don Quixote. Brandishing his armada of short and medium ranged missiles, he never misses a chance for saber rattling against Israel, the United States, and the "world arrogant powers," poised, in his thoughts, to attack Iran from all sides to tear it to parts. The 49 year old Revolutionary Guards' commander-turned-Rear-Admiral is, however, a bit more than a mere big-mouthed version of Cervantes' lovely hero.

He was the ruthless Revolutionary Guards' commander of his native province, Khouzestan. Quickly, he became the second in command of the Guards' Corps, commanding the infamous counter intelligence and security apparatus of the feared army. At one time, he served as the minister of Revolutionary Guards, and then as the commander in chief of the mullahs' navy, before ending as the Minister of Defense. During his years in office, he has turned the Defense and Armed Forces Logistics into a veritable producer of deadly weapons.

Only three days ago, his visit to an electronics center in the southern city of Shiraz was broadcast on National Television, boasting a dozen new weapons-related guidance and avionics systems ranging from sophisticated night vision apparatus to state of the art radars. A few days back, he presented the "Raad" missile, a short ranged guided missile capable of being launched from fixed or floating launch pads with a 70 percent hit-probability for the first and 100 percent probability for the second missile, at a range of well over 350 kms. But he does not always stick to short ranged stuff. The 1300 to 1500 km Shahab3 missile, an Iranian version of the North Korean No-dong1, already distributed to combat units of the Revolutionary Guards and capable of carrying an 800 kg conventional or NBC warhead, and the long range Shahab4, a version of the North Korean SS4, whose existence is denied by the regime but is confirmed to be under secret development, are just two examples to cite. This latest version is designed to a range of more than 2000 kms and is capable of carrying a warhead weighing 1.5 tons. In the beginning of January, he even boasted that the Islamic Republic would put its own satellite into orbit with an Iranian-made launch system within 18 months.

Shamkhani is as able and cruel a politician as he is a weapons' guru. In an interview on January 14 with the Saudi newspaper Al-Riyadh, he warned Israel not to think about carrying out its "menace" towards the Iranian nuclear centers, the same way it acted on the Iraqi Ozirak in 1981. He even threatened to use "new forms of military operations" against Israel if it dared move against those centers.

"If Israel attacks Iran, we will respond in a way no Israeli politician has ever dreamed about," he warned in another interview by the Qatari al-Jazeera television. When he was asked if he was referring to nuclear weapons, Shamkhani gave a negative reply, but added that "time would tell" the nature of Iran's response.

He very cleverly chose a Saudi paper, and a Qatari Television, to menace Israel. If Israel is too far an enemy to reckon with, there are always closer ones at hand. In fact, his flawless Arabic would have been much more clearly heard and understood in the Gulf capitals than in Tel Aviv. Those Gulf States, in the fundamentalist vision of the mullahs, are "ripe" fruits to fall one after the other, to the mercy of their version of Islam, were it not for the US presence in the Gulf.

As far as regional ambitions are concerned, Shamkhani seems more a man of deeds than one of words. In fact, many countries have their stockpiles of surface to surface missiles, but few have had as much field experience as has Iran, and against live targets too. During their 1980-1988 war against Saddam, the mullahs let the Kuwaitis have a taste of their then-primitive Chinese-built Silkworm missiles. They have not stopped their field practice in missile technology ever since. Exploiting the Iraqi isolation since 1991, they have launched every now and then a few missiles into their western neighbor's territory, citing the presence of opposition elements near their borders. In April 2001, they launched not less than 70 short and medium range missiles in a matter of hours against more than 7 targets along the 1200 km long Iran-Iraq border, aiming to eliminate the bases of the opposition Mujaheedin Khalq in Iraq. Although they were keen enough to tell the UN that they had acted in "self defense," they were however reluctant to hide the true message of those 70 Scud missiles: a few days later, Ali Larijani, Shamkhani's look-a-like who is in charge of the mullahs' Radio and Television, told a crowd gathered for Friday prayers in Tehran: "Those missiles were a warning to these small countries around the Gulf not to play around with the Lion's tail."

Nooredin Abedian is an Iranian engineer based in Germany, and a former lecturer at Tehran University. He writes from time to time on Iranian issues and politics."

Shamkhani: Iran is prepared for war with the US

2004-12-20T06:49:00.000-08:00

Commentary: Iran's war threat is very real - (United Press International): "Commentary: Iran's war threat is very real

By Martin Sieff
UPI Senior News Analyst

Washington, DC, Aug. 19 (UPI) -- Forget an October Surprise, a much worse one could come in September: Full-scale war between the United States and Iran may be far closer than the American public might imagine.

For Iranian Defense Minister Ali Shamkhani Wednesday warned frankly and openly that if his military commanders believed the United States was serious about attacking his country to destroy its nuclear power facility at Bushehr, or to topple its Islamic theocratic form of government, they would not sit back passively and wait for the U.S. armed forces to strike the first blow, as President Saddam Hussein in neighboring Iraq did in March 2003. They would strike first.

"We will not sit to wait for what others will do to us," Shamkhani told an interviewer on the Qatar-based al-Jazeera satellite television news network, which is widely watched throughout the Middle East.

"Some military commanders in Iran are convinced that preventive operations which the Americans talk about are not their monopoly."

The Iranian defense minister was speaking in response to an increasing barrage of tough, even ominous statements from senior U.S. officials that Iranian leaders and many Middle East diplomats believe parallel the drumbeat of rhetoric that prepared the American public for the war in Iraq a year and a half ago.

On Aug. 8, National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice said the world was "worried and suspicious" about Iran's nuclear program and she made clear the Bush administration was determined not to let the Iranians develop nuclear weapons from their new Russian-built reactor. So seriously did Rice intend the message to be taken that she repeated it twice in the same day in separate interviews to different network news shows.

Just this Tuesday, one of the hottest hawks in the Bush administration, Undersecretary of State for Arms Control and International Security John Bolton told a sympathetic audience at the right-wing Hudson Institute in Washington that the Iranian nuclear program had to be taken up by the U.N. Security Council. "To fail to do so would risk sending a signal to would-be proliferators that there are no serious consequences for pursuing a secret nuclear weapons programs," he said. "We cannot let Iran, a leading sponsor of international terrorism, acquire nuclear weapons and the means to deliver them to Europe, most of central Asia and the Middle East, or beyond," Bolton said. "Without serious, concerted, immediate intervention by the international community, Iran will be well on the road to doing so."

Bolton's tough talk came after reports that the International Atomic Energy Agency in Vienna appears unlikely to announce next month that Iran's nuclear program contains military elements. Nor, according to these published reports, is the IAEA expected to recommend referring the Iranian nuclear program to the U.N. Security Council as Bolton and his administration colleagues clearly want.

The comments from Bolton and Rice come within weeks of leading neo-conservative pundits and activists in Washington proclaiming that Iran's nuclear program had to be destroyed, even if waging war was the only way to do it.

Influential neo-conservative columnist Charles Krauthammer wrote July 23 column in The Washington Post: "The long awaited revolution (in Iran) is not happening. Which (makes) the question of pre-emptive attack all the more urgent. If nothing is done, a fanatical terrorist regime openly dedicated to the destruction of 'the Great Satan' will have both nuclear weapons and missiles to deliver them. All that stands between us and that is either revolution or pre-emptive attack."

Krauthammer's column was widely discussed in the Tehran press, further fueling the fears there that the United States may act in cahoots with Israel to launch a pre-emptive strike on the Iranian reactor. Iranians also remember that President George W. Bush included Iran with Iraq as fellow members of the "axis of evil" in his 2002 State of the Union speech. Just over a year after that, he unleashed the U.S. armed forces to topple Iraqi President Saddam Hussein.

Iranians therefore fear that the goal of Bush and his Pentagon hawks is now exactly what Krauthammer advocated in his July 23 column: to use the new, "strong fortress" of pro-American Iraq as the launch point to destabilize and topple the Islamic Republic of Iran. Both the desired counter-revolution in Iran and a U.S.-delivered or U.S.-backed pre-emptive strike "are far more likely to succeed with 146,000 American troops and highly sophisticated aircraft standing by just a few miles away in Iraq," Krauthammer wrote.

In reality, however, Iraq is anything but a "strong fortress." The embattled U.S. troops there are hunkered down, on the defensive, an undermanned, over-stretched, over-worked exhausted force isolated in a nation that has almost universally rejected them and about which they were deceived and given no adequate preparation whatsoever.

Indeed, if a full-scale war broke out with Iran, the United States might even have to send in hundreds of thousands of more troops to relieve and rescue its current over-extended force in Iraq, or go nuclear, or implement both extreme options in order to prevent current U.S. forces there from being cut off and even possibly over-run.

Shamkhani Wednesday made clear that this possibility had already occurred to his own military planners in Tehran. "The U.S. military presence will not become an element of strength at our expense," he said. "The opposite is true because their forces would turn into a hostage."

Shamkhani also made very clear that his country would regard any pre-emptive strike against the Bushehr reactor as a casus belli: sufficient cause to unleash full-scale, unrestricted war against the United States. "We will consider any strike against our nuclear installations as an attack on Iran as a whole and we will retaliate with all our strength," he said.

Some political leaderships specialize in using tough talk that they never seriously mean to back up with equally ruthless actions. But the Iranians are not like that. They lost around a half-million dead to repel Saddam in the eight-year Iran-Iraq war from 1980 to 1988. So when Shamkhani threatens the prospect of a major war against the United States: Believe him."

IranMania News: Human trafficking on the rise in Iran

2004-12-20T06:31:00.000-08:00

IranMania News: "Human trafficking on the rise in Iran

Monday, December 20, 2004 - ©2004 IranMania.com

LONDON, Dec 20 (IranMania) – According to the Iranian Interior Minister’s Advisor human trafficking is turning into a bigger concern in Iran than drug trafficking and the phenomenon has taken on new dimensions in recent years, Iran’s Aftab Daily reported.

Addressing domestic and foreign reporters, Ahmad Husseini said: “From among those people who have been smuggled into the country, 1,400 were arrested in Mashhad, northeastern Iran and 1,350 others in Ahvaz, southern Iran.”

According to the Iranian official, many Afghan and Iraqi refugees have returned to Iran even after their repatriation, as they found the situation in their homeland undesirable.

Referring to the increase in the number of street children in Iran, Husseini said: “Statistics show that out of the 1,200 street children questioned in the past month, 600 have come from Afghanistan, Bangladesh and India."

NIAC Panel: Reuel Gerecht, Thomas Carothers, Daniel Brumberg, Hadi Semati

2004-12-20T06:11:00.000-08:00

National Iranian American Council - NIAC - Washington DC: "CARNEGIE PANEL: IRAN MOVING BACKWARD?

By Sheherazade Jafari
National Iranian American Council

February 27, 2004 Washington, DC—The Carnegie Endowment for International Peace held a panel discussion on the implications of Iran’s recent Parliamentary elections and its disqualification of over 2,000 candidates. “We couldn’t decide whether to name this session, the struggle for power in Iran: ‘which way forward’ or ‘which way backward’” began moderator Thomas Carothers, director of the Democracy and Rule of Law Project at the Carnegie Endowment.

The three panelists who addressed the subject were Daniel Brumberg, a senior associate at the Carnegie Endowment, Reuel Gerecht, a resident fellow at the American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research, and Hadi Semati, a visiting scholar at the Carnegie Endowment and a member of Iran’s Islamic Participation Front.

Brumberg began by examining the latest elections from a historical perspective. In 2000 the reformists won the majority of Parliament, yet their increased presence did not transform into a political victory. A number of factors complicated their efforts, including the state’s still substantial capacity for repression and the profound ideological divide between reformist and conservative parties. Moreover, explained Brumberg, reformists were ill-prepared for the obstacles before them: “There was a [naïve] sense among reformists that they were riding an inevitable train of history…they just had to make sure they were on it.”

These factors, including the failure of reformists to establish organic links with society and President Khatami’s inability--or unwillingness--to challenge the regime, led to the latest elections: a third and highly successful effort by conservatives to ban reformists from power. Brumberg pointed to two possible scenarios for the future evolution of Iran’s political system. First, now that reformists are excluded and alienated from the state, their only option is to forge linkages with civil society. Because it requires a significant amount of time to build the mass movement of opposition that, in a moment of crisis, can force the regime’s collapse, this remains a long-term possibility.

The second scenario is the “China model,” the notion that Iran’s pragmatic conservatives will relax social constraints and promote economic development and foreign investment, creating a stability that will “buy off” the population. Since it is the hardliners who are ultimately in charge, however, Brumberg believes that the pragmatic conservatives will most likely “run in place” while the hardliners hit or miss certain opportunities in the domestic and international arenas.

Semati addressed why President Khatami did not step in to stop the disqualifications of these latest elections. He noted that Khatami has always expressed his loyalty for constitutional boundaries and is not likely to take a path that confronts the major institutions, including the Supreme Leader. Khatami feared the potential instability and bloodshed, and remained unsure of whether the public was able to mobilize to the extent that reformists needed.

Now that conservatives are dominating the parliament, Semati projects that the reformist movement will slow down significantly, if not stop altogether. Political space will become constrained while new cleavages and contradictions within the conservative camp will emerge. Attention might be turning away from the “China model,” Semati notes, and toward the “Malaysia model,” in which legal authoritarianism exists alongside culture and liberties.

As for foreign policy after the elections, Semati discussed four factors. The first is the conservatives’ confidence, which has been reinforced by the latest elections and the perception that the United States is feeling unstable within Iraq and Afghanistan. The second factor depends on how the reformists will engage with the state and the people, and the third is how the international community will engage with Iran. The fourth is economic development.

While conservatives and reformists have different ideas on how to make Iran a stronger and better society, Gerecht does not believe there will be a fundamental shift in Iran’s internal and external matters. In his opinion, assassinations will actually lesson as conservatives are more confident of their standing within society and less interested to engage in such tactics. Internationally, however, Gerecht believes the conservatives will take a rougher stance, especially in regard to its nuclear program.

What Iran has not prepared for, explained Gerecht, is the “Sistani factor.” Iranian conservatives within Iran are highly sensitive to the turnout of the Iraqi clerical society’s debates; Iranian clerics currently have a strong presence within Iraq and its discussions on religious leadership. As Iraqi direct elections draw near and the debates become more serious, the Iraqi clerics’ influence on Iran will grow increasingly strong, even if their effects are not immediately clear.

Ultimately, all the panelists agreed that—as Gerecht explained, “the reformist movement hasn’t even gotten to the good times yet.” He continued, “What we have witnessed in Iran may be the Iron or Bronze Age, and soon we will see the Silver and the Gold.”"