Leaders of Iran

Sunday, December 19, 2004

Pictorial books on Bam to be published

Pictorial books on Bam to be published: "Pictorial books on Bam to be published
TEHRAN, Dec. 19 (MNA) -- Two pictorial books, “Bam, the City It Was” and “Wrecked Roof of Bam”, are to be published concurrently with the “Bam Buds” photo exhibition, which opens on December 25 at the Niavaran Cultural Center.
According to the secretary of the exhibition, Alireza Karimi Saremi, a total of 550 photos taken by Iranian artists are to be published in the two books, which will be available at the exhibition.

The 160-page “Bam, the City It Was” includes 175 photos and “The Wrecked Roof of Bam” includes 270 photos, added Karimi Saremi.

“Bam, the City It Was” contains unique photos of the city of Bam and the Bam Citadel taken before the earthquake, and the second book is a portrait of the city and people after the quake.

The introductions of the books feature sections written by President Mohammad Khatami, Minister of Culture and Islamic Guidance Ahmad Masjed Jame’i, Minister of Housing and Urban Development Ali Abdol-Alizadeh, and former Majlis speaker Mahdi Karrubi.

A total of 142 photos by 36 photographers have been selected to be displayed in the “Bam Buds” exhibition. The Niavaran Cultural Center is located on Pasdaran Ave."

The New Conservatives (Inc. Saeed Abutaleb)

"Iran after the Elections" (February-March 2004): "The New Conservatives

Interestingly, the conservatives campaigned on a platform to improve economic conditions, while avoiding the promotion of religious ideology. This was epitomized by the name of the broad conservative coalition: Abadgarane Iran-e-Islami (Developers of Islamic Iran). Right-wing political groups employed sophisticated campaign strategies to bolster conservative electoral chances. The main political movement associated with conservative business interests, Jami'at-e Motalefeh-e Eslami (Islamic Coalition Society), led by Habibollah Asgarowladi, did not field any candidates of its own in the elections, opting instead to support "moderate" Abadgaran candidates. Taking another cue from Western electoral strategists, the conservatives fielded some popular celebrity candidates, such as wrestling champion Amir Reza Khadem and Saeed Abutaleb, a well-known documentary filmmaker (who became even better known after he was detained by American forces while filming in Iraq).

The electoral strategy of the conservatives underscored that they are not unresponsive to public opinion. Some reformers predict that the new conservative deputies will have little option but to support policies adopted by the outgoing sixth Majlis to satisfy public demands and promote economic welfare.[5] In any event, the conservatives are unlikely to use their invigorated power to increase repression, which would unnecessarily alienate an already demoralized public.

Some observers have suggested that conservatives may seek to legitimize their rule by seeking a rapprochement with the United States. Since a majority of the population appears to support normalization of Iranian-American relations, the reasoning goes, this would be an "easy" crowd pleaser (in comparison to solving the country's social and economic ills). Moreover, such a breakthrough would validate one of the main rationales offered by conservatives for their recent coup - that a unified decision-making process is more likely to impress the United States.

However, while there is certainly a debate among conservatives about normalization of Iranian-American relations, it is doubtful that Iran will accommodate US demands regarding its sponsorship of anti-Israeli terrorist groups or alleged nuclear weapons program. These demands may well intensify, as the rise of a more authoritarian regime is likely to embolden critics of the Islamic Republic in the United States. Iran, for its part, is unlikely to grant such concessions at the best of times, let alone during a period when the system is undergoing its gravest legitimacy crisis in 25 years. While conservatives are eager to garner public support, they are unlikely to marginalize their core constituency - Islamic zealots who view normalization as anathema.

The misfortunes of the reform movement do not necessarily imperil the future of the Islamic left, particularly the Majmae Ruhaneeyoone Mobarez (Forum of Militant Clergy) that constitutes the historical pillar of this faction. Leading personalities in the FMC are likely to distance themselves from the reform movement and revert to their old discourse - championing economic reform and social egalitarianism within the existing political framework. This will further weaken the reform movement, as the FMC has lent significant organizational, moral and financial support to the "state" reformists over the past seven years.

The broadest implication of the parliamentary elections is that they have dramatically underscored the failure of Iran's mullahs to graft Islamist ideology with the institutions of a modern democratic state. For all the elections the Islamic Republic has held over the past 25 years and all the gesture politics and sloganeering revolving around the theme of "Islamic Democracy," alternations of power in the Iranian government are still determined in secret by a handful of clerics.[6] The reformist Spring in Iranian government was less an outgrowth of societal forces than a political experiment approved for a time by hard-line clerics who have now seen fit to end it. A vestige of this experiment will remain for the final year of Khatami's lame duck presidency, but the Guardians Council is unlikely to permit a credible reformist candidate to stand in the 2005 presidential election."

Karoubi, Jamileh Kadivar, and Soheila Jelodarzadeh defeated for 7th Majlis

"Iran after the Elections" (February-March 2004): "Once this became apparent, the veneer of reformist strength and unity shattered. Eight of the original 22 groups in the 2nd of Khordad reformist coalition decided to go ahead and compete in the elections and lay claim to a rump reformist bloc in the new parliament. A number of well-known reformers who were not disqualified stayed in the race, including Karoubi, Jamileh Kadivar, and Soheila Jelodarzadeh. Khatami personally appealed to the public to vote in the elections, but turnout was not high enough even for Karoubi to keep his seat.

Those reformists who chose to boycott the election were still discredited by the fact that they had been unwilling to take such strong measures until the four-year-old conservative onslaught finally threatened their own re-election. By the time the noose finally closed around the reformers, the public had already grown indifferent to the plight of those who over-promised and under-delivered.

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Netiran>Who's Who>Soheila Jelodarzadeh

Netiran>Who's Who>Index>Search Result for "J">Soheila Jelodarzadeh: " Ms. Jelodarzadeh, Soheila

6th Majlis Members

Netiran, Jul. 1st, 2004,

Date of Birth:
1958
Place of Birth:
Tehran, Tehran
Education:
B.S., Weaving

Other Positions:
1996-2000 : 5th Parliamentary Background

Biography:
Constituency (City - Province) : Tehran - Tehran"